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  • History of Marwar School of painting - 1

     07.09.2018
    History of Marwar School of painting - 1

    History of Marwar School of painting - (Part A)

    Marwar School of painting is recognised the world over. The Marwar School, though greatly influenced by the Mughal School, has greatly added to the glory of art in India. Its significance can, however, be gauged only if we have a deeper probe in the factors that led to the rise and prosperity of Marwar paintings. It is often observed that nowhere in the world the feminine figure has been handled so minutely and that too in a variety moods and poses as has been achieved at Marwar. The grandeur of the Marwar school of painting is well expressed in the Jodhpur style, the Bikaner style and the Kishangarh style as well as in the sub styles of Jaisalmer, Nagaur, Ghanerao, Sirohi, Ajmer. The Kishangarh style has a unique character, but being in a state of Rathores painting there should be linked with the traditions of Jodhpur. Like Mewar, Maru Pradesh followed the traditions of Ajanta. Its preliminary form may be seen from the artistic shape of the gate of Mandore.

    This region attained fame in the domain of art and culture under the rule of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. Tara Nath, a Tibetan pilgrim, referred to Sridhar as an artist of the 7th century in Maru Pradesh. This confirms that the Marwar school of painting had its own earlier traditions. In ancient times, this territory was a part of Gujarat state, and that is why the paintings of western Rajasthan cannot be dissociated from the developed form of the Gujarat, Jain, Apbhransh and other styles. It is assumed that many pictorial Jain and Apbhransh texts were executed in Maru Pradesh. The paintings found in huge collections at various museums, art galleries and private collections of the Marwar area are important landmarks in historical studies. They stand as testimony of the age to which they belong. Right from the 14th to 19th century we come across several paintings which depict history and culture in their true perspective. Kalkacharya Katha, (size 5x7.3 cm.) was painted in V.S.1438 (1381 A.D.). It helps us to study through illustrations the life of the aristocrats, dresses of common men, ornaments and furniture used in the period.

    Jodhpur style

    In 13 century Rathore Seeha established his rule in Maru Pradesh. The art of painting developed in Jodhpur under Rao Jodha, in Bikaner under Rao Bika and in Kishangarh under Maharaja Kishan Singh. In the neighbouring states it was known as the Marwari School of painting, which flourished in many styles and sub styles. After establishing in Mehrangarh fort, Rao Jodha (1438-88 A.D.) contributed impressively to the prosperity and enrichment of Indian culture in this new field. The Jain, Gujarat and Apbhransh styles were revived in new form. Kalpasutra, was painted in V.S, 1536 (1480 A.D.). The illustrated MS. of Kalpasutra has 104 folios, each measuring approximately 4"x8', almost all of which are illustrated (size of illustration 3" x 3"). It depicts bedsteads, mirrors, dhoti, dress of Jaina monks, sari, bath-rooms and their equipments, wrestler's dress, chariots, ornaments, etc.

    It also informs us that teaching was done orally, though the teachers used to have scrolls in their hands for references. Credit goes to Rao Maldeo (1532-68 A.D.) for giving renewed vigour to the cultural traditions and artistic perspectives of Marwar. Maldeo carved out an independent Marwar style and devoted himself to the growth of the arts. From the point of view of primitive art, the Uttaradhyayan Sutra of his time, now preserved in Baroda Museum, occupies a prominent place. Glimpses of paintings of that age may also be visualised in the frescoes of Chaukhela Palace. Kalpasutra, (size 2x11.3 cm.) was painted in V.S. 1517 (1461 A.D.). It may be used for the comparative references through illustrations regarding dress, mode of living and various other aspects. Madhu Prasad Agrawal classifies the Marwar style in four steps or charans. He defines the paintings before the 17th century as initial examples of Marwar style. According to him, the first step flourished during 17th century, second step during 18th century and third step flourished after 18th century.

    Many paintings of the early 17th century belong to the Jodhpur style, and even though highly influenced by the Mewari style possess their original character. Many paintings of the time of Raja Sur Singh (1595-1620 A.D.) are preserved in the art and picture gallery of Baroda and in the private collection of Sangram Singh. Maharaja Sur Singh was an art lover ruler. Dhola-Maru is among the artistic historical pictorial texts compiled during his period and the Bhagwad of Pustak Prakash, Jodhpur, painted in 1610 A.D., is endowed with many special local features. Bhagwat Dashma skandha was painted in V.S. 1667 (1611 A.D.) by Govinda. It consists 423 folios. It gives illustrations from Krishna's life, illustrations of Jatakarma Sanskara, a village school and its out-door games as 'netrabandhana', 'nilayam-krida', 'phal-kse pan', 'Shalar', etc. Rag Mala, an illustrated text painted in 1623 A.D. and preserved in the private collec¬tion of Sangram Singh, is a compilation of great historical value painted for the famous Vitthal Dass of Pali. These paintings are considerably influenced by the art of Marwar. Some miniatures based on verses of Sursagar in the middle of the 17th century in the Jodhpur style are preserved in Baroda Museum and in the collection of Sangram Singh. They express poetic sentiments elegantly.

    Rasikpriya, also available in Baroda Museum, was painted in the same period. Its sharpness of colour combination and abundance of ornament deserve special mention. Another phase of Jodhpur art started in the reign of Maharaja Jaswant Singh (I) (1635-78), a king of high intellectual qualities and a keen lover of art. In his reign, Marwar became an important centre of the Krishna-Bhakti cult, which became the subject of many paintings. Jaswant Singh was contemporary Hindu king to the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, hence the impact of Mughal art was inevitable.The impact of the Mughal school in its original form has been noted in the Jodhpur style paintings of this period. They are very simple, and the sharp outlines, the expression of sentiments and colour combination in these paintings are notable. Because of the spread of the Krishna-Bhakti cult, the effect of folk art on the Jodhpur school may be seen easily.

    Traditions of folk painting were a common feature of the Jodhpur style. The Jodhpur portraits depicting Jaswant Singh I, (The Victoria and Albert Museum London); Ajit Singh (1679-1724), Bharat Kala Bhavan, BHU, Varanasi and M.S. Man Singh II Museum, Jaipur); and Abhai Singh (1724-50A.D.), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and Sardar Museum, Jodhpur) form an interest¬ing group and gives us enough material to study the Jodhpur Kalam and to prove that the Marwar court had a competent atelier in 17-18th centuries.

    Among these the earliest is a portrait of Maharaja Jaswant Singh I, of about 1645 in which he is shown sitting and conversing with his courtiers. This is a partly coloured drawing, tinged with black and gold. A brave soldier, he ruled with ability till the battle of succession for the Mughal throne. The painting shows him a sensitive person with expressive eyes & the movement of his hand, which could not be completed. The finished faces indicate that this Court scene is meant to be a neem kalam not a fully coloured work. The Maharaja and his courtiers appear in their characteri¬stic of 17th century court costumes— turban, jama kamarband, pyjama and other accessories namely sword dagger and shield which became a part of official costume from 17th century. The twenty-year-struggle and great victory over Mughals by Rathores under the leadership of Veer Durga Dass was a great landmark which gave a popular subject to the local art of painting.

    The scenes of battles, Durgadas riding on horse, hardship of life during struggle days, hunting, etc. were prominently painted during this phase of Marwar history. Maharaja Jaswant Singh's son Maharaja Ajit Singh who was born after his father's death, came to the throne in 1679 A.D., and grew up to be an able ruler. Painting in Jodhpur got a new input during the reigns of Ajit Singh and his successors Abhai Singh and Ram Singh, when the usual literary works Gita-Govinda, Dhola- Maru, Ragmala, Baramasa-portraits were painted in large numbers. Attractive wall-paintings were painted in the palace of Nagaur during the time of Bakhat Singh. A large sized painting in the Bharat Kala Bha¬van Collection shows him "mounted on a state elephant, surrounded by troops and accompanied by ladies of his household." The painting was exhibited in the Art of India and Pakistan exhibition, London in 1948.

    A dated work of V.S 1779 (AD. 1722) is good example of 18th century workmanship. Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum, Jaipur has a portrait of Ajit Singh with a morchhal bardar standing behind him. It is a partly coloured drawing on thin paper (Acc. no. AG. 520-76). A good work, showing Marwar turban and costume it could also be a product of Jaipur atelier as many such portraits of Rajasthan rulers were presented by the Jaipur royal family to the museum recently; some of these have painter's name written on the bark of the painting or on the lower or upper of it, namely Ramji, Ramjidas, Govinda and so on. Though this work does not have any painter's name, stylistically goes with others of that lot. Paintings of this age also had themes like Rasikpriya, Geet-Govind, poetical texts, royal court, festivals, processions, pictures of kings and feudal lords etc. Royal patronage in the reigns of Maharaja Abhaya Singh and Maharaja Ram Singh to artists in the Jodhpur style was generous.

    Abhai Singh (1724-1750) succeeded Ajit Singh. A large number of his likenesses show that he was a man of taste. These can be seen in museums and private collections all over the world. The portraits of Abhai Singh show him engaged in day to day activities- drinking wine, worshipping, sitting in zenana and playing dice. Jodhpur chiefs can be differentiated from others by their heavy turban and heavy built. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston has an inscribed portrait of Abhai Singh, perhaps the earliest likeness of his, showing him drinking; in the zenana. The picture is badly rubbed but gives an idea of Jodhpur court painting. A plain background and pleasant faces of attendants and the raja are of remarkable quality.

    In a portrait from Sardar Museum, Jodhpur, Abhai Singh is depicted watching dance performance. In Indian painting, night is either suggested by starry sky or by lamps and mashals, here two women are carrying mashals and lamp. The women standing in attendance are hol¬ding swords and morchhals. They also suggest that the dance is being performed in the zanana. This type of formal scenes, rather glamorous in nature are bound to be static but these works from Jodhpur are not so hard and on the contrary have a fresh look- pleasing light tones swift movement. A hunting seen" from the above collection shows Abhai Singh on one of his hunting trip.

    Though the gorgeous costumes give one a completely different idea, dogs running ahead of the raja's horse and water birds in the background suggest that the group is going for shikar". This charming picture is full of vigour and has a mughal flavour. It can be suggested here that it is quite possible that Jodhpur court in 18th century had one or two painters trained in Mughal style either at Mughal court or at Bikaner, the neighbouring state. We see a number of portraits prepared in 17-18 centuries which are nice and sophisticated works but such works were only a few, patronized by the court and prepared for rulers and may be for some of his family members. But a large number of miniatures and paintings were produced either for the wealthy merchants or for religious personages.

    A folio from a folk Bhagavata set was exhi¬bited at Asia House exhibition in 1973 from Edwin Binney 3rd's Collection. It was dated about 1625-30 by S. Gary Welch, the author of the catalogue and its proven¬ance was given Marwar. It seems close to popular Marwar paintings and could have been produced for some nobleman or a wealthy merchant. A number of such mini¬atures were exhibited at Lalit Kala Akademi, New Delhi in 1960. Nayika conversing with an attendant ragini Bilawal and many others. These paintings have decorative elements of Jodhpur— lines are firm, colours coarse hut bright and pleasant; patterns used in dress, ornaments and in the architecture consist of simple basic motifs— circles, squares, cross-criss, brick pattern, dots and lines.

    The Khajanchi Collection Catalogue also has one miniature- Nanda crossing Yamuna with Baby Krishna— an important one for the stylistic study on Marwar style of painting, as it shows some 19th century characteristics to come. For example, rain is indicated by bold white broken lines, bou¬quet like decorative trees and fishes in Yamuna for a decorative pattern, Really Jodhpur artists had wonderful sense of de¬sign and an eye for bright colours which made the sand of Marudesh full of life. Some good 18th century miniatures depicting Barahmasa and other popular subjects of that period namely ladies playing chaugan, swinging, worshipping are in the National Museum, New Delhi. Kavipriya, Illustrated, by Keshav, It was prepared at Vitakheda for Maharajadhiraj Jaskarana in V. S. 1780 (1724 A.D.). It consists of 16 prabhavas or chapters, having 180 folios in total. Its illustrations bear beautiful designs of Marwari sarees. Bhaktamal of V. S. 1789 (1733 A.D.) by Narayandas, preserves some paintings of Bhaktas like Pipa, Prithviraj, Jaipal, etc. These may have a faint resemblance of the actual persons but at least they depict the spirit of the Bhaktas.

    The painting of Mira's dress is valuable. Here the identity of the person has been emphasised through forceful touches of the brush. It also preserves the teachings of the Bhaktas. Shri Ramcharitra Paintings of V.S. 18th century, consists of 244 folios. It depicts several important scenes of the ceremonies observed at birth and marriage festivals. The dresses of the warriors have been painted after the Mughal pattern. Bhagwat Dashama skandha of the 18th century, also provides the designs of ornaments and household articles.

    The lay-out of villages and towns can also be conveniently studied with its help. It represents, the manner and mode of dining observed by the Brahmanas, through an illustration. The pastimes of water pranks and wrestling are well-illustrated through paintings. The manuscript gives the names of the painters which have been inscribed on the left-hand side of the picture. Some of the painters are Muslims who co-operated with the Hindu painters to complete the set. Gitagovind is a part of a bound book with folios 181 to 360. It preserves illustrations which are very useful for the study of dresses and ornaments of gents and ladies of the 18th century. Illustrations of the celebration of Holi and Vasant festivals are highly illuminating.

    In 1803 A.D., the last phase of the Jodhpur style opened in the reign of Maharaja Man Singh. There are almost 2500-3000 paintings in the collection of Jodhpur Maharaja, in which Shabeehs are in big number. Some paintings are of 18th century and remaining are of Maharaja Mansingh's period. Ramayana Paintings dated V.S. 1860 (1804 A.D.), consists of 91 paintings, 4 ft. 4'' long and 2 ft. 1'' wide. They depict the life of Rama from his birth to the end of his return to Ayodhya. These paintings are very useful for the study of town-planning of Jodhpur with lanes, bazars and other aspects of town life. Suknas Charitra of the 19th century, consists of 302 paintings (size 1.8" x l.2") and is very useful for the study of the lay-out of houses of villages and towns of that period. It also depicts the common people taking bath in a river. Dholamaru-ri-Vat composed by Kallol in V.S. 1677 (1621 A.D.). Its transcript copy of V. S. 1819 (1763 A.D.) consists of 71 folios.

    The poet wrote out the work at the instance of Harraj of Jaisalmer. The story has been interwoven round the figures of Dhola, the son of Nala, the king of Marwar, and Marwani, the daughter of Pingalrao, the king of Pungal, a part of Marwar. The illustrated part of this manuscript as well as a set of paintings of Dhoamaru, preserved in the Maharaja Mansingh Pustak Prakash Jodhpur, of Raja Man Singh's time (early 19th century) are highly informative as regards the use of beds of petals for princes, wearing of mod at the time of marriage, the style of moustaches, objects of toilets, practice of taking opium among the Rajputs, the toys of children, the indigenous method of sending letters, the roll of Bhats and Bhatnis, Pushkar as a place of pilgrimage, etc.

    From this point of view Dholamaru-ri-Vat is one of our most reliable sources for the construction of cultural history of Rajasthan. Panchatantra Paintings of V. S. 1860 (1804 A.D.), consists of 472 paintings, each measuring 18" x 3", depicting the stories of five tantras written by Vishnu Sharma. The paintings are very important for the Study of secular life of Rajasthan of the 18th century. The dress and profession of a juggler, a washerman, a potter and a Bhil are depicted with accuracy. It also gives a model of the Persian-wheel as it was used in Marwar of those days. Several paintings throw welcome light on the lay-out of the villages and towns of that age along with the set-up of houses. The painter has brought to our notice the demerits of polygamy by painting a scene of a furious quarrel between two co-wives and a husband. For the study of prevalent pastimes and of animal-fights the manuscript is quite useful.

    Shiva Purana, consists of 109 illustrations (size 4ft. x1.5 ft.) depicting the stories of the Shiva Purana. It is a joint work of various painters, like Dhira, Mahadev, Dana, Maheshdan, Satidas, etc., of the 19th century. Here the Shahjahani turban, turra and garments of gents and ladies have been typically painted. The dresses of a hunter, a Bhil, etc., are life-like. It also shows the style of house-construction of the period. A picture of a village school is highly informative.

    In 19th century, the Nath sect dominated the life of Marwar. Ayas Dev Nath was the spiritual guide of Maharaja Man Singh. Nath paintings flourished in many monasteries during that time. Nath Charitra dated V. S. 1880 (1824 A.D.), consists of 63 paintings devoted to the theme of the Nath sect of Marwar. These paintings are based on the Ras-Raj of Mati Ram and were recovered from a monastery belonging to the Nath sect and preserved in the private collections of Ram Gopal Vijayavargia and Sangram Singh and in the State Museum, Jaipur.

    Many paintings of this period in the Jodhpur style were not of high artistic quality. It preserves a picture of the dress worn by Nath Sadhus, and their religious observances. Some of the paintings throw light on certain aspects of the social life of the age to which they belong. The game of the Chaugan, lay-out of houses, irrigation of fields, etc., are its important aspects. Siddha Siddhant Paddhati dated V. S. 1881 (1825 A.D.) is useful for the study of town-planning and some of the features of the Nath sect of Jodhpur. It consists of 25 paintings, each measuring 4 ft. x 1.5 ft. Shiva Rahasya dated V. S. 1884 (1828 A.D.) consists of 101 paintings (size 1.5 ft. X 1.6 ft.) illustrating the life of Shiva. It illustrates the mode of the life of Hindu hermits of that age. Suraj Prakash dated V.S. 1887 (1831 A.D.), painted by Amra consists of 70 paintings (size 1 ft. 7'' X 1 ft.).

    It throws sufficient light on the dresses of the warriors. One of the paintings of water sports is very interesting. From other paintings of the collection of Maharaja Mansingh Pustak Prakash, we also come across the names of some Muslim painters of that time, as Ali Raja, Ustad Qasim, Umrani, etc. In the middle of the 19 century, with the advent of photography, the Jodhpur style, like other styles of painting, started deteriorating.After Man Singh, nothing worth mentioning was produced at Jodhpur. Artists were there, doing regular court work. Portraits of Takhat Singh and other ruler are rather crude in appearance. Court scenes are just formal depictions— artists were concerned neither with portraiture of courtiers nor with creating atmosphere. 


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  • History of Marwar School of Painting (Part 2)

     22.07.2017
    History of Marwar School of Painting (Part 2)

    History of Marwar School of Painting (Part 2)

    Salient Features of Jodhpur style

    In Marwar, we have to satisfy ourselves with only medieval period works from three active centers of this region- Bhinmla, Pali and Jodhpur. The Jodhpur style is the principal style of the Marwar School, but today a large number of paintings in this style are not available, and whatever is available belongs to the early part of the 19th century. Despite being influenced by the Mewar School, the Jodhpur style has its own striking features, and as a result its separate constitution comes to light. Males in this style are stoutly built and tall. Their curved mustaches, touching their throats, raised turbans and dress decorated with royal splendour are very impressive. The limbs of females are shapely and plump. Besides local influences, the impact of the Mughal style also deserves special consideration- Application of folk art, combinations of red and yellow, depiction of feudal splendourand of simple life are also highlights of this style. Where drawings of palaces and palatial buildings were made extensively, in respect of scenery, paintings were created to suit the tastes of the capitalists of Marwar. Principal artists of this style whose names have been identified include Virji (1623), Narayan Dass (1700), Bhatti Amar Dass (1750), Chhajju Bhatti, Kishen Dass (1800), Danna (1810), Bhatti Shiv Dass, Dev Dass, Jit Mal (1825), Kalu Ram (1831).

    Infulance of Vaishnavism on Marwar Painting


    Vallabha infulance is quite obvious in the morals and miniatures of the Marwar because of Maharaja Jsawant Singh's association with Shri Nathji. During his time Chopasani became the centre of Vallabha art. According to the statement of Lama Tara Nath, the tradition of miniatures and murals is very old. Nagaur painting of ShantinathTemple is dated 1605 AD. Pali is nearby town of Jodhpur was a prolific Thikana of the painting work during the time of Maharaja Gaj Singh (1610-1630).


    Infulance of Nath Sect on Marwar Painting


    Maharaja Man Singh due to his unconscious faith in the Nath cult, accorded to the Kanphata Yogies a partial treatment. Painting of Jhalandar Nath is clear proof of it.  Mansingh founded "Pustak Prakash" - the library and commissioned many sets of paintings. Many of his portraits show him worshipping Guru Nathji— or in the company of Guru Ayas Nath. Ramayana, Durgapatha, Shiva Purana, Suraj Prakash, Bhagwata, Panchtantra and Dhola Maru are some important works of his time.


    Wall Paintings in shreenath Ji Temple in Mehrangarh


    Wall paintings of Shreenath ji temple situated in the Zenana Deodi part of Mehrangarh Fort, Jodhpur. Major part of the Zenana Deodi is adorned with lyrical paintings executed from top to bottom. The temple room of Shreenath ji, which lies in the eastern part of Zenana Deodi, is also having this kind of art works. However it looks more like a living room, it is considered a temple because of the three idols present in this room.  Painting seems to be made all over the temple room; including the arches, ceiling, pillars and walls. Most of the paintings are visible at southern wall of the room. But rest of the room might also be having such art work hidden beneath the plastered area. Paintings on the arches are having different figural treatment and themes from painting on the pilllars. Simiary, the paintings on ceiling are different in their composition and design when compared to the paintings executed on walls of Shreenath ji temple.

    These paintings are prolific examples to learn and decode the art and aesthetics of Marwar. The room is having more than usual number of pillars, with adoration of paintings resembling to the traditional art of Marwar school of painting. The composition, theme, figure drawing, architecture, flora fauna, landscape and rest other elements of these paintings are so similar to traditional miniature painting of Jodhpur that they seem to have been copied from them. 


    From a comparative glimpse of these compositions, the subject matter and colours seem to have been derived from the miniature paintings, though the miniature paintings have richer palette and varied themes. The themes of these paintings have got a wide spectrum, with depiction on ceiling varying from those on the walls and pillars. Vishnu in various incarnations and episodes dominate the themes. Other subject matter includes Gods, Goddesses, local deities, king's court life, scenes from Indian mythology & epics, various historic episodes that have affected the state and the valorous deeds of the Rajput  icons and kings.


    The themes selected for the ceiling seems quite different from the subject portrayed below. Other than these themes, figures of celestial beings and imaginary unreal figures are abundant which gives a quality of uniqueness and divinity to the room. Other characteristic common to Jodhpur miniature painting and the wall paintings of' Shreenathji temple is the 'Khanjan nayan' typical of Marwar and the pearl ornamentation with figures are bejewelled.  Even the male figures are ornate with pearl strands through their turbans, kundals 

    in ears and such. As far as the costumes are concerned, there are striped non-transparent garments painted over the figures in Shreenath ji temple room. And they also go in hand with the apparel treatment of figures from the miniature painting of early 17 to later 18th century.   Then there are influences from the Mughal painting also. This amalgamation of Persian-Mughal impact is quoted at many places as Irani Kalam  also. Frequent use of Mughal turbans and use of the typical floral depiction brought in by them exemplifies the above point.


    Through a technical survey and study of these paintings it come in view that the walls and ceilings are having a traditional lime based plaster, commonly called Kaudi  plaster. The same plaster is applied on ceilings too. Paintings were made over this very smooth and shiny plaster without preparation of any ground. The technique of painting could be tempera. But since the paintings have lost their pigment due to losing ground adhesion, so the technique could be more of tempera than any other.   


    The paint layers are carried out directly on the kaudi plaster. The paint generally consists of pigments and binding material that occurs in water soluble as well as water resistant condition and is applied to wet (fresco) and dry (secco) plaster. The secco parts seem to be done in tempera technique. This also leads to conclusion that the technique had been tempera; however the paints have not been analyzed yet . Another important evidence to trace the technique of wall paintings in Shreenath ji temple is that the painted surface with los't pigment is almost as shiny and smooth as the plaster itself, which mean the paintings had been made only after the plastered surface was finished. A detailed analysis of painting tells that perhaps there was no provision of preliminary sketch or drawing for the design part of composition, while the figures were firstly drawn and then coloured. Analysis by conservation team proves that the walls of Shreenath ji temple room were formely layered with kaudi plaster which can be found in fragments on walls underneath the actual lime plaster.


    But it is not known by today whether entire plaster surface was painted or only parts of it because too little is left. Most of the rooms on second floor had been lavishly painted at some point of time. The remains of paintings are combined with mirror work. The paintings conserved and recovered out of the over paint and plaster are quire well in condition to be visible in contrast to punting on the door panel of Shreenath ji temple. This is a vague impression of an image of Radha- Krishna. It is still under an over painted layer and may be from an earlier period than paintings of the same room.

    Paintings in Other towns of Marwar

    The Jodhpur style was followed in the Thikanas of Pali, Ghanerao and Pokhran. In town like Kuchawan, Nagaur and Jalore, Rathore nobles also encouraged painting after buildinf Galleries.

    Bhinmal

    Bhinmal was an important cultural and religious centre of medieval Marwar and enjoyed peace and prosperity for long. Kanhaddeo Prabandh, a trxt composed in V. S. 1512 (1455 AD), speaks highly about the scholerly activities and learned men of this town. 
    A copy of Kalpasutra of V.S. 1563 (A.D. 1506) in the collection of Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute (RORI), Jodhpur, is a remarkable contribution of Bhinmal. The colophon in the end reads that Lola Sravak and his family, inspired by the preaching of Bhanumeru, got this copy made for the use of Vivekshekhar, a giver of religious recitations. It has 136 folios and 36 illustrations. Long paper folios have seven lines on each and on 36 scenes from the life of tirathankars are painted in slightly elongated panels. As the Kalpasutra mentions acts of only four tirathankaras, the other twenty are shown in two miniatures (nos. 27 and 28)— ten seated in each. Gold, red and blue dominate the palette and black touches make each more show a good number of decorative motifs. Clothing also demonstrates medieval pat¬terns— geese, rosettes, etc., found especially on printed fabrics from Gujarat.  

    Pali

    The most remarkable and the earliest dated example, known to us so far, from Pali is a Ragamala series in the Collection of Kunwar Sangram Singh, Jaipur. It was executed by Virji in 1623 during the reign of Vitthal Das. It is a simple but attractive set. While describing this series, Douglas Barrett observed, "These simple but by no means artless drawings are set down without fumbling. There is no sign of an uneasy shifting to taste. It is difficult to be¬lieve that they were not following a tradition current in the sixteenth century in the desert region. Nor does this Ragamala stand alone; a manuscript in the Motichand Khajanchi collection in the same style is dated 1634.  Though folkish in nature it is a well done work, for exam¬ple musical instrument is carefully drawn and shows the artist's command over lines. It seems that the art of painting flourished at Pali and the neighbouring areas in late 16th and early 17th. Authors of the Khajanchi Collection Catalogue labeled one painting- "lady and a boy" in their work "probably Marwar, "Now the question arises what were the reasons behind this nomenclatures?

    A plausible explanation would be- the stylistic similarities- the male face with wide open eyes and forearms full of bangles are close to Pali Ragamala of 1623 and colours are bright. Six folios from another Ragamala series, very similar to Pali set is in the Coll-ection of M.S. Man Singh II Museum. The RORI Jodhpur has some manuscripts from Pali. Two of them have dates - V.S. 1845 (A.D. 1788) and V.S. 1853 (A.D. 1796). These works were produced for the elite of the town and are not royal copies. Though the calligraphy is good, illustrations are not of high quality. They have characteristic coarse colours of that period and lines are carelessly drawn. Human figures are short and static; they give toy-like effect. Trees are highly decorative but as book illustrations they are good. Artists seem more successful in drawing birds and animals, & in depicting social customs and manners of that period.

    Nagaur

    Nagaur was also an active centre, where a number of Jain and Hindu illustrated texts were executed. Bhakat Singh (1724-49 A.D.) was independent ruler of Nagaur. He executed some wall paintings in the buildings like Hawa Mahal, Badal Mahal and Shish Mahal at the Nagaur Fort. Both in quality and quantity in atelier of the Maharaja, soon a sub school of Marwar mural sprang up. These paintings reveal that the Maharaja got them painted under the influence of Vaishnava Cult. By painting Shri Krishna and Radha the Maharaja actually took immense delight in seeing women in the different poses and theme of so called Vaishnava cult. 

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  • राजकीय कार्यालयों में नैतिकता एवं शिष्टाचार

     21.08.2017
    राजकीय कार्यालयों में नैतिकता एवं शिष्टाचार

    राजकीय कार्यालयों में नैतिकता एवं शिष्टाचार

    इस आलेख में निम्नलिखित प्रश्नों का उत्तर जानने का प्रयास किया गया है-

    1. नैतिकता क्या है?

    2. शिष्टाचार क्या है?

    3. नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार में क्या अंतर है?

    4. कार्यालय में नैतिकता क्या है?

    5. क्या भारतीय सरकारी कार्यालयों में नैतिकता देखने को मिलती है?

    6. कार्यालय में शिष्टाचार क्या है?

    7. क्या भारतीय सरकारी कार्यालयों में शिष्टाचार देखने को मिलता है?

    8. क्या हमने कभी अपने मन से सवाल किए हैं कि हम अपने कार्यालय में नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार का वातावरण बनाएं?

    9. भारत के सरकारी कार्यालयों में शिष्टाचार एवं नैतिकता की समस्या क्यों है?

    10. कार्यालयों में नैतिकता नहीं होने के क्या दुष्परिणाम हो सकते हैं? 1

    1. भारतीय सरकारी कर्मचारी ऐसे क्यों हैं?

    12. कृपया अब बताएं कि आपकी अपने बारे में क्या धारणा है- (अ.) क्या आप शिष्ट हैं, (ब.) क्या आप नैतिक हैं?

    1. नैतिकता क्या है?

    ʘ सामान्यतः मानव जीवन के शाश्वत मूल्य ही, नैतिकता हैं। ये हर देश में, हर काल में और हर व्यक्ति के लिए लगभग एक से रहते हैं!

    ʘ यहाँ लगभग शब्द का प्रयोग किया गया है, तो क्या ये बदलते भी हैं?

    ʘ सदा सत्य बोलो, दूसरे के धन का अपहरण मत करो, भूखे को भोजन दो, किसी का दिल मत दुखाओ........ ये सब नैतिक मूल्य हैं। हर युग में एक से रहते हैं, कभी नहीं बदलते।

    ʘ कुछ नैतिक मूल्य ऐसे भी होते हैं जो देश, काल और पात्र के साथ बदल सकते हैं जैसे राष्ट्र-प्रेम। उदाहरण के लिए कोई व्यक्ति अपना देश छोड़कर किसी दूसरे देश की नागरिकता प्राप्त करता है। यहाँ राष्ट्र-प्रेम, शाश्वत नैतिक मूल्य होते हुए भी अपने अर्थ बदल लेता है। मान लीजिए कि किसी समय उन दोनों देशों में युद्ध होता है, तो वह व्यक्ति किस राष्ट्र के विजय की कामना करेगा! निःसंदेह यह उन परिस्थितियों पर निर्भर करेगा, जिनके कारण उसने पुराने राष्ट्र का त्यागकर नए राष्ट्र की नागरिकता ली थी। उदाहरण के लिए हम सानिया मिर्जा और अदनान सामी के नामों पर विचार करें, इनके मन में राष्ट्र-प्रेम की क्या परिभाषा होती होगी !

    ʘ जब मानवता और राष्ट्र दोनों में से एक चुनना हो तो मानवता का चयन ही नैतिकता है। जब राष्ट्र और अपने परिवार में से एक का चयन करना हो तो राष्ट्र का चयन नैतिकता है। हालांकि इस पर बहस हो सकती है। एक सैनिक को शत्रु राष्ट्र पर परमाणु बम डालने के लिए दिया जाए तो वह अवश्य सोचेगा कि यहां नैतिकता क्या है?

    ʘ यही कारण है कि देश, काल और पात्र के साथ नैतिकता बदल सकती है।

    2. क्या लोग वास्तव में नैतिक हैं?

    ʘ हम सब जानते हैं कि विश्व में समस्त प्राणी अपनी संतान से अथाह प्रेम करते हैं। बंदरिया अपने बच्चे को तब तक छाती से चिपकाए रहती है या पीठ पर लादे रहती है जब तक कि वह स्वयं अपनी रक्षा करने में सक्षम नहीं हो जाता। यदि किसी बंदरिया को उसके बच्चे सहित पानी के हौद में डाला जाए तो वह बच्चे को अपनी पीठ पर चढ़ा लेगी ताकि बच्चा पानी में न डूब जाए। अब यदि हौद में पानी का स्तर बढ़या जाए तो बंदरिया बच्चे को अपने सिर रख रखकर खड़ी हो जाएगी। यदि पानी का स्तर बंदरिया की नाक की ऊंचाई तक बढ़ाया जाए तो बंदरिया उस बच्चे को हौद में रखकर स्वयं उस पर खड़ी हो जाएगी और अपने प्राण बचाने का प्रयास करेगी। संसार में अधिकतर लोगों में नैतिकता का सम्बन्ध बंदरिया और उसके बच्चे के जैसा है।

    ʘ संसार में सबकी नैतिकता बंदरिया जैसी नहीं है। इसीलिए संसार में नैतिकता सदैव जीवित रहती है। यही आदमी की अंतरआत्मा का दरवाजा खटखटाती है और उसे सही मार्ग पर लाने के लिए प्रेरित करती है।

    3. शिष्टाचार क्या है?

    ʘ मनुष्य का वह समस्त आचरण जो कुछ भी मर्यादा में हो, जिसके कारण दूसरों को परेशानी का अनुभव न हो, जिससे वातावरण अच्छा बनता हो, शिष्टाचार कहलाता है। इसमें मनुष्य के चलने, उठने, बोलने, भोजन करने, कुल्ला करने, शयन करने के ढंग से लेकर दूसरों का अभिवादन करने, उनके साथ लेन-देन करने का ढंग सम्मिलित होता है।

    4. नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार में क्या अंतर है?

    ʘ नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार में काफी अंतर है जिसे ठीक-ठीक अनुभव करते हुए भी शब्दों में या परिभाषा में बांध पाना कठिन है।

    ʘ मोटे तौर पर कहा जा सकता है कि नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार में परिमाण अर्थात् मात्रा का अंतर है। जिस बात का प्रभाव ज्यादा मात्रा में होता है, वह सामान्यतः नैतिकता का मामला होती है और जिस बात का प्रभाव कम मात्रा में होता है वह नैतिकता न रहकर शिष्टाचार बन जाती है।

    ʘ आप अपना काम करवाने के लिए किसी को रिश्वत देते हैं तो यह नैतिकता का मामला है और आप अपना काम करवाने के लिए किसी को धन्यवाद देते हैं, यह शिष्टाचार का मामला है।

    ʘ यदि कोई अध्यापक किसी छात्र को ट्यूशन पढ़ने के लिए दबाव बनाने हेतु गाली-गलौच करता है तो यह नैतिकता का मामला है और यदि छात्र के उज्जवल भविष्य की कामना से उसे कटु शब्द कहता है तो यह शिष्टाचार का मामला है।

    ʘ यदि कोई चपरासी आपके कार्यालय का डोक्यूमेंट किसी अन्य व्यक्ति को किसी लालच में अवैधानिक रूप से देने के लिए दौड़भाग करता है तो यह नैतिकता का मामला है। और यदि वही डोक्यूमेंट वैधानिक रूप से देने के लिए यह सोचकर दौड़भाग करता है कि किसी व्यक्ति को दुबारा चक्कर नहीं लगाना पड़े तो यह शिष्टाचार का मामला है।

    ʘ ऑफिस में शराब पीना नैतिकता का मामला है जबकि सिगरेट पीना कुछ सालों पहले तक शिष्टाचार का मामला था, अब यह कानूनी मामला है।

    ʘ किसी व्यक्ति से सेवा लेकर उसे धन्यवाद नहीं देना शिष्टाचार का मामला है न कि नैतिकता का।

    5. कार्यालय में नैतिकता क्या है?

    ʘ समय पर आना नैतिकता है न कि शिष्टाचार।

    ʘ अपना निर्धारित काम समय पर पूरा करना नैतिकता है न कि शिष्टाचार।

    ʘ काम के बदले पुरस्कार, रिश्वत, टिप, कमीशन आदि की मांग करना नैतिकता है न कि शिष्टाचार।

    ʘ किए जा रहे काम के वास्तविक लक्ष्यों को प्राप्त करना नैतिकता है न कि शिष्टाचार।

    ʘ कार्यालय की स्टेशनरी/फर्नीचर/अन्य सामग्री घर नहीं ले जाना नैतिकता है न कि शिष्टाचार।

    ʘ महिला सहकर्मी के साथ फ्लर्ट की कोशिश करना अनैतिकता है जबकि उसके कपड़ों की सामाान्य प्रशंसा करना शिष्टाचार का उल्लंधन है।

    6. क्या भारतीय सरकारी कार्यालयों में नैतिकता देखने को मिलती है?

    ʘ पब्लिक डीलिंग वाले भारतीय सरकारी कार्यालयों में नैतिकता के पालन की स्थिति क्या है, इस पर अधिक बोलने की आवश्यकता नहीं है!

    ʘ आप में से कितने लोग हैं जो बिना जान पहचान के भी आरटीओ ऑफिस में अपना ड्राइविंग लाइसेंस बनवा सकते हैं या रिन्यू करवा सकते हैं!

    ʘ कितने लोग भूमि क्रय करने के लिए सरकार द्वारा निर्धारित फार्म स्वयं भरकर बिना वकील या दलाल के, भूमि का पंजीयन करवा सकते हैं?

    ʘ क्या आप सरकारी अस्पताल में जाकर डॉक्टर को दिखाकर संतुष्ट हो पाते हैं। आपमें से कितने लोग हैं जिसने आज तक किसी सरकारी डॉक्टर के घर जाकर और फीस देकर अपना इलाज नहीं करवाया?

    ʘ क्या आप किसी भारतीय मंत्री या अधिकारी के कार्यालय में जाकर यह सही सही जान सकते हैं कि मंत्री या अधिकारी वास्तव में किस दिन और किस समय अपने ऑफिस में मिलेंगे!

    ʘ आपमें कितने लोग हैं जिन्होंने अपना पासपोर्ट बनवाने के लिए पुलिस कर्मचारी को रुपए दिए या नहीं दिए!

    ʘ नौकरी के लिए पुलिस वैरीफिकेशन के लिए कितने लोगों ने पैसे दिए या नहीं दिए?

    ʘ रेलवे स्टेशन पर कुली कितने पैसे लेता है, कितने निर्धारित हैं, पहले स्टेशनों पर लिखा रहता था, क्या अब किसी ने लिखा हुआ देखा है?

    ʘ प्राइवेट स्कूटर स्टैण्ड पर नगर निगम या रेलवे या रोडवेज द्वारा कार, स्कूटर के लिए कितना शुल्क निर्धारित होता है, वह कितना लेता है?

    ʘ ये सब सरकारी कार्यालयों की नैतिकता के उल्लंघन के मामले हैं।

    7. कार्यालय में शिष्टाचार क्या है?

    ʘ राजस्थान सरकार ने कोड ऑफ कण्डक्ट बना रखा है जिसका पालन प्रत्येक अधिकारी एवं कर्मचारी को करना होता है इसमें नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार सम्बन्धी आचरण ही निर्धारित किए गए हैं।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर एवं प्रत्येक कक्ष के बाहर, अधिकारी एवं कर्मचारी की टेबल पर उसका नाम, पदनाम लिखा हुआ होना चाहिए।

    ʘ यदि अधिकारी या कर्मचारी के लिए वर्दी निर्धारित है तो वर्दी पर भी नेमप्लेट होनी चाहिए।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर लिखें कि यह कितने बजे खुलता है और कितने बजे बंद होता है।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर लिखें कि यहां जनता से सम्बन्धित कौनसे कार्य होते हैं।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर लिखें कि जनता अपने किस कार्य के लिए किस अधिकारी या कर्मचारी से मिले।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर लिखें कि यदि आप इस कार्यालय के किसी अधिकारी या कर्मचारी से असंतुष्ट हैं तो आपको किससे सम्पर्क करना चाहिये और किस समय?

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर सूचना के अधिकार के तहत चस्पा की जाने वाली सूचनाएं लिखें।

    ʘ कार्यालय के बाहर लिखें कि इस कार्यालय में कितने अधिकारी और कर्मचारी काम करते हैं, उनमें से आज कितने और कौन-कौन अवकाश पर है।

    ʘ जन सामान्य के लिए छाया, पेयजल एवं बैठने की समुचित व्यवस्था करें।

    ʘ ऑफिस भीतर एवं बाहर से साफ-सुथरा हो। बाथरूम रोज धुलें। उनमें पानी हो।

    ʘ ऑफिस समय पर पहुंचना जरूरी क्यों? कुछ पुराने बाबू कुर्सी पर कोट टांगकर या मेज पर चश्मा रखकर चले जाते थे। ऐसा न करें।

    ʘ ऑफिस में टेलिफोन और सैलफोन का प्रयोग कब, कितना, कैसे करें। घर के टेलिफोन ऑफिस में नहीं निबटाएं।

    ʘ टेलिफोन उठाते ही अपने कार्यालय या संस्था का नाम बताएं।

    ʘ यदि सामने वाला पूछे कि आप कौन बोल रहे हैं तो अपना नाम एवं पदनाम बताएं। अपना नाम बताने में शर्म क्यों आती है? बड़े-बड़े अधिकारी अपना नाम बताते हैं।

    ʘ मैं आपकी क्या सेवा/सहायता कर सकता हूं, जैसे शब्द बोलें। मशीन की तरह नहीं, इंसान की तरह।

    ʘ ईमेल देखते रहने की आदत डालें। पर्सनल नहीं, ऑफिशियल।

    ʘ ऑफिस आवर्स में सोशियल वैबसाइट्स फेसबुक, ट्विटर, लिंक्डइन आदि का व्यक्तिगत प्रयोग न करें। इससे काम से ध्यान हटता है।

    ʘ कार्यालयों में पार्टियों का आयोजन कैसे करें। लंच को सामूहिक भोज एवं सरकारी समय की बर्बादी का जरिया न बनाएं।

    ʘ साथी अधिकारियों एवं कर्मचारियों की आलोचना एवं निंदा से बचें। अन्यथा आप भी इसका शिकार हो जाएंगे। वातावरण दूषित होगा। लोगों की कार्यक्षमता घटेगी।

    ʘ पॉलिटिक्स, क्रिकेट, फिल्म आदि को लेकर डिस्कशन्स न करें।

    ʘ अपने कुत्ते को ऑफिस में न लाएं।

    ʘ अपने छोटे बच्चों को ऑफिस में न लाएं। क्रैच या डे बोर्डिंग स्कूल में डालें।

    ʘ उपहार लेने सम्बन्धी निर्देशों का पालन करें।

    ʘ अपने कर्मचारियों अथवा जनता से बात करते समय अपने पद को अपनी वाणी पर हावी नहीं रखें।

    ʘ अधीनस्थ कर्मचारी को गलती करते ही टोकें। अन्यथा यह आदत बन जाएगी।

    ʘ किसी भी वरिष्ठ अधिकारी, साथी अथवा अधीनस्थ को अनावश्यक उपदेश नहीं दें।

    ʘ अपने आचरण से दूसरों को प्रेरित करने का प्रयास करें। (प्रधानमंत्री श्री नरेन्द्र मोदी द्वारा पुस्तक के विमोचन के बाद रैपर को जेब में रख लेने का उदाहरण)

    ʘ अपने कार्य, दायित्व, अधिकार, नियम, सरकारी गतिविधियों, योजनाओं, सरकार में हो रहे परिवर्तनों की जानकारी रखें।

    ʘ किसी दूसरे कर्मचारी का टिफन न खाएं।

    ʘ कार्यालय के किसी भी व्यक्ति से पैसे उधार नहीं मांगें न किसी को दें।

    ʘ कार्यालय में शराब, सिगरेट, गुटखा, अफीम, भांग का प्रयोग न तो स्वयं करें, न किसी अन्य को करने दें।

    ʘ आपकी हेयर स्टाइल, कपड़े बटन बंद करने का ढंग, जूते-मोजों का रंग, सैलफोन का कवर, मोबाइल की रिंग टोन/एसएमएस टोन, आपके पैन का रंग भी आपके शिष्ट होने अथवा न होने की घोषणा करते हैं। ये आपके व्यक्त्वि की चुगली करते हैं।

    ʘ आपका ईमेल एड्रेस आपके शिष्ट होने की पहचान हो सकता है।

    8. क्या भारतीय सरकारी कार्यालयों में शिष्टाचार देखने को मिलता है?

    9. क्या हमने कभी अपने मन से सवाल किए हैं कि हम अपने कार्यालय में नैतिकता और शिष्टाचार का वातावरण बनाएं?

    10. भारत के सरकारी कार्यालयों में शिष्टाचार एवं नैतिकता की समस्या क्यों है?


    ʘ भारत एक सॉफ्ट स्टेट है। यहां कानून उतने कड़े नहीं हैं जितने कि अन्य देशों में हैं।

    ʘ हालांकि रिश्वत खाते हुए पाए जाने पर या वित्तीय कदाचार का दोषी पाए जाने पर अनेक टॉप लेवल ब्यूरोक्रेट्स, पॉलिटीशियन, पुलिस अधिकारी और मिलिट्री जनरल भी जेलों में बैठे हैं। मुख्यमंत्री भी जेलों में बंद हैं।

    ʘ फिर भी भ्रष्टाचार और कदाचार की बीमारी घटने की बजाय बढ़ रही है तो उसके पीछे कौनसा बड़ा कारण है?

    ʘ लोगों में नैतिक शिक्षा का अभाव है। रामायण, महाभारत की कथाएं घरों और स्कूलों में सुनाई जाती थीं। आज कौन सुनाता है!

    ʘ पहले लोग भगवान से डरते थे, अब भगवान का डर मंदिर में जाकर प्रसाद चढ़ाने तक सीमित होकर रह गया है। लोग सोचते थे कि यदि दूसरे का धन हड़पेंगे तो अगले जनम में चुकाना पड़ेगा। अब पण्डित से वास्तु-शांति करवाकर समस्त सुख प्राप्त करने की प्रवृत्ति हो गई है।

    ʘ हजारों साल तक विदेशी आक्रमणों को झेलते रहने, ब्रिटिश काल में भारतीयों की सम्पत्ति का अपहरण किए जाने से भारत में गरीबी की सुरंगें बहुत गहरी हो गई हैं।

    ʘ गरीबी के कारण लोगों की मानसिकता में स्थाई परिवर्तन आ गए हैं। अब यहां गरीबी एक आदत बन चुकी है। लोगों को कितना भी पैसा मिल जाए, उन्हें यही लगता है कि उन्हें और पैसे की आवश्यकता है। इसके लिए वे नैतिकता का उल्लंघन करते हैं। जब कार्यालय में कुछ लोग अनैतिक रास्तों से पैसा कमाते हैं तो बाकी के लोग शिष्टाचार का उल्लंघन करते हुए अनुशासनहीनता का रास्ता पकड़ लेते हैं।

    ʘ लातूर में आए भूकम्प के लिए दुनिया भर से सहायता सामग्री आई। यह सामग्री वरिष्ठ अफसरों की निगरानी में बांटी जा रही थी। कुछ दिनों बाद मीडिया की हैडलाइन इस प्रकार थीं- राहत सामग्री बांटने वालों ने ही पहनी, विदेशी पैंण्टें।

    ʘ इस तरह की घटनाओं से जनता में भ्रष्टाचार के प्रति स्वीकृति बढ़ती है। सिस्टम पर से विश्वास घटता है।

    11. कार्यालयों में नैतिकता नहीं होने के क्या दुष्परिणाम हो सकते हैं?

    ʘ स्वीडिश अर्थशास्त्री गनर माइर्डल ने अपनी पुस्तक एशियन ड्रामा में सॉफ्ट स्टेट की परिभाषा दी है कि उन दक्षिण एशियाई देशों को सॉफ्ट स्टेट कहते हैं जहां सरकारी कर्मचारी अनुशासनहीनता का आचरण करते हैं जिसके कारण समाज में अपराध पनपते हैं। यहां सरकारी कर्मचारी से आशय टॉप ब्यूरोक्रेट्स, मध्यम स्तर के अधिकारी, कर्मचारी, पार्षद, पंच-सरपंच तथा एमएलए, एमपी, मंत्री आदि उन सब लोगों से है जिन पर जनता का काम करने की जिम्मेदारी है और जो किसी भी सेवा के बदले सरकार से वेतन लेते हैं अर्थात् ठेकेदार, सप्लायर और अनुबंध पर लगे कर्मचारी भी। गनर द्वारा प्रस्तुत इस परिभाषा के अनुसार भारत निश्चित ही सॉफ्ट स्टेट है।

    ʘ शिक्षा, चिकित्सा, सड़क, बिजली, पानी जैसे पब्लिक यूटिलिटी विभागों से लेकर पुलिस, प्रशासन और न्याय से जुड़े विभिन्न विभागों तक में भारतीय कर्मचारियों में हर स्तर पर अनुशासनहीनता और भ्रष्टाचार व्याप्त है। जनता अपने न्यायोचित कामों के लिए तरसती रहती है जिनके न होने पर और समाज में रिश्वत, मारपीट, हत्या, बलात्कार तथा लूट जैसे अपराध पनपते हैं। ʘ सरकारी विभागों के कर्मचारियों द्वारा समय पर काम न करने, ढंग से काम न करने, काम से बचने के बहाने ढूंढने तथा छोटे-छोटे कामों के लिये जनता से रिश्वत की मांग करने आदि प्रवृत्तियों के कारण अपराधियों के हौंसले हर समय बुलंद रहते हैं तथा देश में अपराध का ग्राफ काफी ऊंचा बना रहता है।

    ʘ कर्मचारियों में नैतिकता का अभाव होने के कारण आपराधिक अनुसंधान समय पर पूरे न होते, उनके वांछित परिणाम नहीं आते, गवाह मुकरते हैं तथा न्यायालयों में मुकदमों के निर्णय होने में लम्बा समय लगता है इस कारण अपराधियों के हौंसले कभी पस्त नहीं पड़ते।

    ʘ 1960 के दशक से ही भारत में हत्याओं का आंकड़ा बहुत ऊंचा बना हुआ है। वर्ष 2007-08 में भारत विश्व का सर्वाधिक हत्याओं वाला देश बन गया। उस वर्ष भारत में पाकिस्तान की तुलना में तीन गुनी और अमरीका की तुलना में दो गुनी मानव हत्याएं हुई थीं। उस वर्ष देश में 50 लाख अपराध दर्ज हुए थे जिनमें से 32,719 मामले मानव हत्याओं के थे।

    ʘ वर्ष 2014 में भारत में 33,981 हत्याएं रिपोर्ट हुईं जिनमें से 3,332 व्यक्ति घर में ही हत्या के शिकार हुए। असंतोष, अत्याचार और झगड़ों के कारण भारत में प्रतिवर्ष लगभग 1 लाख 35 हजार लोग आत्महत्या करते हैं। इनमें से विवाह, दहेज, विवाह पूर्व प्रेम सम्बन्ध, विवाहेतर प्रेम सम्बन्ध, तलाक एवं पारिवारिक विवादों को लेकर सर्वाधिक आत्महत्याएं होती हैं।

    ʘ भारत में हिंसा के कुल मामलों में से एक तिहाई अपराध घरेलू हिंसा के होते हैं, जिनमें से एक चौथाई मामले 15 से 49 साल की महिलाओं के प्रति घर के ही निकट रिश्तेदारों द्वारा किए जाने वाले यौन शोषण के होते हैं। भारत में होने वाले अपराधों में चौथा नम्बर महिलाओं और बच्चों के साथ होने वाले बलात्कार का है। वर्ष 2012 में भारत में बलात्कार के लगभग 25 हजार मामले रिपोर्ट हुए जिनमें से 98 प्रतिशत मामलों में पीड़ित महिला के साथ उसके किसी परिचित ने ही बलात्कार किया।

    ʘ भारत में प्रत्येक एक लाख बच्चों में से 7,200 बच्चों के साथ बलात्कार होता है। यह आंकड़ा काफी ऊंचा है। वर्ष 2014-15 में हुए एक अध्ययन के अनुसार भारत में बलात्कार के केवल 5-6 प्रतिशत मामले ही रिपोर्ट किए जाते हैं।

    ʘ बलात्कार के अधिकांश मामले सामाजिक प्रवंचना एवं पुलिस के दुर्व्यवहार के कारण महिलाओं एवं बच्चों द्वारा रिपोर्ट ही नहीं किए जाते। फिर भी भारत में बच्चों के विरुद्ध होने वाले लगभग एक लाख अपराध हर वर्ष पुलिस थानों में दर्ज होते हैं। महिलाओं के विरुद्ध होने वाले साढ़े तीन लाख अपराध लगभग हर साल पुलिस थानों मे रिपोर्ट होते हैं।

    ʘ हरियाणा में दो साल पहले आरक्षण आंदोलन में असामाजिक तत्वों ने महिलाओं के साथ सामूहिक बलात्कार किए। यहां तक कि एक देवर ने अपनी भाभी के साथ सामूहिक बलात्कार की घटना को अंजाम दिया। ऐसा करने की हिम्मत क्यों हुई! क्योंकि उन्हें मालूम है कि पुलिस प्रशासन अपना काम इतने घटिया तरीके से करेंगे कि कोर्ट कचहरी भी उनका कुछ नहीं बिगाड़ सकेंगी।

    ʘ स्थिति इतनी भयावह है कि बहुत से देशों ने अपने नागरिकों को यह एडवाइजरी जारी की हुई है कि भारत में जाते समय वे संभावित बलात्कार से सावधान रहें। यहां तक कि समूह में यात्रा करते समय भी महिलाएं भारत में बलात्कार की शिकार हो सकती हैं इसलिये एकांत स्थानों पर तथा रात्रि में सार्वजनिक वाहनों से यात्रा न करें तथा भारतीयों की तरह कपड़े पहनें।

    ʘ उन्होंने यह सलाह नहीं दी कि संकट में पड़ने पर भारत की इन एजेंसियों से सम्पर्क करें। उन देशों का भारतीय एजेंसियों पर वैसा विश्वास ही नहीं है।

    ʘ समाज में असंतोष, अलगाव, उपद्रव, आंदोलन, असमानता, असामंजस्य, अराजकता, आदर्श विहीनता, अन्याय, अत्याचार, अपमान, असफलता अवसाद, अस्थिरता, अनिश्चितता, संघर्ष, हिंसा उस समाज में अधिक होते हैं जहां सरकारी कर्मचारी लोगों का काम नहीं करते। उनके साथ बुरा व्यवहार करते हैं। उन्हें सही सलाह नहीं देते।

    ʘ व्यक्ति में एवं समाज में साम्प्रदायिकता, जातीयता, भाषावाद, क्षेत्रवाद, हिंसा की संकीर्ण कुत्सित भावनाओं व समस्याओं के मूल में उत्तरदायी कारण हमारे भीतर नैतिक और चारित्रिक पतन अर्थात नैतिक मूल्यों का क्षय एवं अवमूल्यन है।

    ʘ देश की सबसे बड़ी शैक्षिक संस्था-राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान एवं प्रशिक्षण परिषद के द्वारा उन मूल्यों की एक सूची तैयार की गयी है जो व्यक्ति में नैतिक मूल्यों के परिचायक हो सकते हैं. इस सूची में 84 मूल्यों को सम्मिलित किया गया है.

    12. भारतीय सरकारी कर्मचारी ऐसे क्यों हैं?

    ʘ हिन्दुस्तान टाइम्स तथा सी-4 नामक संस्था द्वारा कुछ वर्ष पहले करवाए गए एक सर्वेक्षण में पाया गया कि भारत में 52 प्रतिशत लोग अपने काम से संतुष्ट नहीं हैं। उनमें नया चैलेंज स्वीकार करने के प्रति कभी उत्साह नहीं होता। ऐसे लोग अपनी नौकरी बचाए रखने के लिए कार्य करते हैं तथा उनके द्वारा किए गए काम के परिणाम औसत से नीचे होते हैं।

    ʘ भारत में 29 प्रतिशत कर्मचारी, काम से बचने के लिए कार्यालय में अपना और दूसरों का समय नष्ट करते हैं। ऐसे लोग दण्ड या प्रताड़ना या वेतन कटौती का खतरा उत्पन्न होने पर मजबूरी में ही काम करने को तैयार होते हैं तथा उनके द्वारा किए गए काम के परिणाम देश की प्रगति को अवरुद्ध करते हैं और जनता के मूलभूत अधिकारों पर बुरा असर डालते हैं।

    ʘ वर्ष 2011-12 में अमरीका एवं कनाडा में टॉवर्स वेस्टन एवं नेशनल बिजनिस गु्रप द्वारा एक शोध में पाया गया कि कर्मचारियों में उत्साह एवं प्रसन्नता तथा उनके द्वारा किए गए कार्यों के परिणामों में सीधा सम्बन्ध होता है। इसलिए वहां 66 प्रतिशत कम्पनियां अपने कर्मचारियों के उत्साहवर्द्धन के कार्यक्रम चलाती हैं।

    ʘ वर्ष 2012 में कॉन्टीनेंटल यूरोप एथिक्स एट वर्क नामक अध्ययन में यह पाया गया कि 77 प्रतिशत कर्मचारियों ने उन कम्पनियों को चुनने का प्रयास किया जो नैतिक संस्कृति के सकारात्मक मानकों के लिए जानी जाती हैं न कि अधिक वेतन देने के लिए। क्योंकि नैतिक संस्कृति वाली कम्पनियों में उन्हें अपना भविष्य अधिक सुरक्षित लगता है।

    ʘ इन कम्पनियों के कर्मचारी अपने साथियों को सुरक्षात्मक कवर देते हुए पाए गए, अर्थात् वे अपने कमजोर साथी को ज्ञान, दक्षता, सूचना आदि देकर मजबूत बनाने का प्रयास करते हैं तथा उसका काम पूरा हो सके इसके लिए भरपूर सहायता करते हैं। यहां तक कि उसकी अनुपस्थिति में कम्पनी को नुक्सान नहीं हो, इसके लिए वे उसका काम भी करते हैं।

    ʘ क्या भारत के कर्मचारी भी ऐसा करते हैं ?

    ʘ हां करते हैं लेकिन तभी जब वह उसकी जाति, उसके क्षेत्र या उसके रिश्ते वाला हो।

    ʘ भारतीय सरकारी कर्मचारियों के बारे में कहा जाता है कि वे अपनी क्षमता का उच्चतम पदर्शन केवल नौकरी प्राप्त करते समय करते हैं। उसके बाद तो जैसे-जैसे समय बीत जाता है, वे अपनी क्षमता का प्रदर्शन बिना काम किए अपनी नौकरी बचाए रखने में करते दिखाई देते हैं।

    13. कृपया अब बताएं कि आपकी अपने बारे में क्या धारणा है ?

    ʘ (अ.) क्या आप शिष्ट हैं,

    ʘ (ब.) क्या आप नैतिक हैं? -डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता,


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  • How Did Pakistan Emerge-1

     22.07.2017
    How Did Pakistan Emerge-1

    First and last wish- Vindication of peace

    India is several millennia old country, which is built upon rich cultural boundaries rather than nature’s boundaries. Its border is set upon an area where Vedas are resonated, and Gods are worshiped. People, living across the western border of India, used to worship demons and study ahurmjda. In the legendary era, wherever the tales of Ramayana and Mahabharata reached, there the regimes of Indian princes were eternalized. After that, those countries adopted the Indian culture.

    During the time of Alexander the Great’s invasion on India, in 326 B.C (2337 years ago) India’s border used to extend from Hind-Kush Mountains in the west to Burma’s border in the east. Persia (currently known as Iran) or Faras was the neighboring country in west.

    In 624 B.C., Lord Buddha was born. He preached the message of peace to the whole world. These messages were spread to the countries such as China, Tibet in the north; Burma, Thailand, Java, Sumatra, Bali, Borneo, Indonesia, Somali, etc. in the east and Sri-Lanka in the south; while it was limited to the west side of the Hindu-Kush Mountains. Wherever the teachings of the Lord Buddha spread, there the Indian culture flourished. In this view, India is a home to diverse and rich culture.

    Currently, seven countries are located in the area from Iran to Burma, which is Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Myanmar, while Tibet has been overlapped into China. Sri-Lanka was once part of India.

    Till Aurangzeb’s reign, Afghanistan was a part of India but separated from India long before the British Empire emerged as an imperial power in Indian political firmament. Buddhist monks embellished caves and carved statues of Lord Buddha in Afghanistan, which are still stood and preserved, were destroyed with heavy artilleries by Taliban militants a few decades ago. Today also, the native Afghans speak Hindi language.

    Burma and Sri Lanka were separated from India during the British regime, but Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated the day when the Britishers had to leave India. This separation of Pakistan and Bangladesh from India in two different fragments of the same country, of which one was called as East Pakistan, and the other, as West Pakistan. Later, these fragments fought among themselves and emerged as two separate nations.

    In human history, separation of Pakistan from India is one of the brutal and bloody events. Many other countries of the world have also faced these horrific tragedies. However, whatever happened at the time of separation of Pakistan and India was the result of human psychology that shows on civilization canvas, that humans have always behaved like stubborn kids. As a kid breaks the toy kept in his hand in the anticipation of achieving a new toy, in the same manner, humans put their old achievements on stake, in a hope of new victory. Even after sixty-seven years of separation, our fight is not yet over. We still could not be good neighbors.

    The whole world was watching our farce, and we, to save our citizens from terror attacks kept expecting rationality from Pakistan. Should an act of rationality have been expected from Pakistan that could have helped in establishing a friendly relationship between both the countries! Further, what has India not done to show sensibility towards Pakistan? Despite frequent terror attacks and fake currency coming across the border, India has always extended generous gestures to Pakistan and has maintained a diplomatic relation with it. The foregrounds of Pakistan were laid on fights. The Indian Muslim League was founded in the year 1908 and from then until 1947, it had been fighting for Pakistan and staying with it.

    This book provides a lucid glimpse of these fights. The main motive behind writing this book is to unfold those pages of history, from which lessons can be taken for the future so that puerile things cannot be repeated and we can live peacefully like good neighbors. The first and last wish of every Indian is to establish peace.

    The British India and the Princely India

    In 1858 AD, the British government had formally taken over Indian governance through the East India Company. By then, The East India Company had divided India into two large pieces. The first piece was called as “British India” or “English India,” which was directly governed by the East India Company. The other piece was called as “Indian India” or “Princely India,” which was ruled by the kings. The East India Company ruled the first piece through the Governor General and the second piece through the Viceroy. However, in practice, only one person was in charge for these two posts. The British Parliament did not make any major changes in this practice and it continued beyond 1858 AD.

    Role of Morley-Minto Act in the division of India

    In 1885, the Indian National Congress was founded. Until 1908, it was the mere organization, which was struggling with the country’s political problems. In 1908, the India Muslim League was established in Dhaka. In sober fact, the rise of Muslim League had sowed the seed of division of the country. Soon afterwards, according to Morley-Minto Reforms Act, 1909, separate representations of the Indian Muslims were arranged in the assemblies. However, this arrangement was opposed by the Congress while was encouraged by the Muslim League. Historians have called this system of the Britishers as “divide-and-rule” policy. Noted journalist Durga Das writes that by accepting separate electorate and communal representatives, White Haul had unwittingly sown the seed of division in the country. Ganesh Prasad Barnwal writes that Morley-Minto Reform Act had insured the crop of communalism. We believe that these seeds were not inadvertently sown. These seeds of communalism were already present on the political grounds of India, and these crops fluttered for centuries. Rather, Morley-Minto Act profound the idea to make profits by cropping these seeds of communalism.

    The First Map of Divided India in 1930

    In 1930, the annual session of the Muslim League was held in Allahabad. During this session, Dr. Iqbal, in his presidential address, based on a separate political identity of Muslims, outlined a vision of an independent nation for Muslims or proposed federation of India. Dr. Iqbal’s grandfather was a Kashmiri Brahmin. For centuries, his forebears were living in India peacefully. However, it was not acceptable to Iqbal to settle down in India. He always wanted Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh, and Baluchistan to be integrated into a single homeland for Muslims. After that, the first map of divided India was borne and bred. By that time, the word “Pakistan” was not coined. Therefore, it was called as Muslim India. This political poet Dr. Iqbal had written Saare Jahan Se Acha song. At the time of partition, Iqbal claimed to be the national poet of India, which was rejected by the Congress in the wake of his antics. Later, he trotted to Pakistan, where he wrote down Saare Jahan Se Acha Pakistan Humara. These instances are enough to clarify Iqbal’s pseudo-nationalism. Unfortunately, the song written by Iqbal is still being sung in India today like a national song, while no one ask for him in Pakistan.

    Demand for creation of Sindh as a Muslim- majority state

    Soon afterward the annual session of Muslim League in 1930 AD, first round table conference was organized in London in 1931, in which, representatives of the Muslim League asked for the reservation of seats in a proportion of the population of the Muslim community, in the Indian legislative assemblies. They also demanded that Sindh should be given the status of new Muslim majority province.

    Discovery of the word Pakistan in 1933

    In 1933 AD, one of the students named Rahmat Ali made a proposal which said that Indian Muslims should separate their state from Hindus. Rahmat Ali was studying at a graduate level in England, and he was 40 years old at that time. He said in his proposal that to keep India intact is inurbane and queer. Northwest regions of India – Punjab, Sindh, Kashmir, North-West Frontier Province (Afghan) and Baluchistan, which were largely inhabited by Muslims, should be amalgamated into a new country called Pakistan. His proposal was concluded by the following words: “We will not crucify ourselves upon the cross of Hindu nationalism to make a Hindu-holiday.”

    Indian Muslim students of Cambridge University also supported Rahmat Ali. He issued a pamphlet titled “Now or Never.” This pamphlet constituted: “India is not the name of one single country; nor the home of one single nation. In fact, it is the designation of a State created by the British for the first time in history.” It also gave reasons for the demand of a separate Muslims Federation. It embodied that not only their lifestyle but also their national customs, calendar, food, clothing were fundamentally distinct from the other inhabitants of India.

    Rahmat Ali gave two meanings for the word “Pakistan’’. According to the first meaning, the word “Pakistan” referred to as the holy land. According to the second meaning, the word Pakistan” was composed of the first letters taken from the following states - Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, and Sindh. Rest of the word was taken from the last part of Baluchistan. Later on, Assam and Bengal from the east; Hyderabad and Malabar from the south were also plotted to be included into Pakistan. This proposal inferred that the entire non-Muslim state would be surrounded by the Muslim country and Muslim pockets in-between Muslim nation would be included as a part of Pakistan.

    “Impossible Dream” by Jinnah

    Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre writes about Jinnah’s reaction on Rahmat Ali’s proposal that Jinnah, who was going to be credited one day as the Father of Pakistan, had vehemently criticized Rahmat Ali’s proposal by saying Pakistan as an “impossible dream” in 1933. Defacto, staying in London for the whole of his life, Rahmat Ali had always struggled for Pakistan, but Jinnah had never given him importance. Jinnah had a fear that Rahmat Ali might not take away his place.

    Maulana Abul Kalam Azad opposed the word Pakistan

    On opposing the term “Pakistan”, Maulana Abul Kalam issued a statement on 15 April 1946, that “this term goes against my grain” which infers some parts of the world are pure while the others are impure.

    Jinnah- symbol of Hindu-Muslim Unity

    Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s ancestors were Hindu. His family had never followed communalistic tendencies. That is why Muhammad Ali Jinnah was brought up in an English environment. He studied law and in the first decade of the twentieth century, he greatly admired Indian political leader Dadabhai Naroji and entered politics under his assistance.

    He attended the Congress’ twentieth Bombay session in 1904 along with Pherozeshah Mehta. He took the membership of the Congress in 1913. He was an ardent proponent of Hindu-Muslim unity. He had never lost the chance to give a strong speech on this topic. He became the president of Muslim League in 1916. Since he took the membership of Congress and Muslim League together, he landed into controversy. Never-the-less, he was considered as an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. Immediately after the Congress session at Nagpur in 1920, Jinnah bid adieu the Congress and became the member of Muslim League only. Mosley writes that till 1920, he used to propagate through legal means for his ideas to be consented and continued emphasizing on Hindu-Muslim Unity till 1928.

    Mosley also adds that Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s name was adhered with Indian Poetess Sarojini Naidu for few days. She got infatuated with him and used to write him love poems. It is believed that to get rid of her, he moved to London and settled as a successful barrister there. He continued his legal practice in London till 1934.

    The Muslim League brought Jinnah to India

    As soon as Rahmat Ali introduced the concept of the nation called Pakistan; it became enlightened overnight among Muslim youth living in London. As the newspapers around the globe started prompting a fuss over this, Muslim League’s vision got its new wings. He was now looking for a leader, who had not only seen India but also world, who knew the international law, who could communicate with the Britishers in their own language fluently, who was also a renowned barrister like Patel, Nehru, Gandhi and who could snatch a large part of India from Patel, Nehru and Gandhi. For this purpose, Muhammad Ali Jinnah came to his senses. He brought him up from London to India, urging him to leave his profession in 1934. It was happening for the first time in history, that a leader was being imported from London for the country in the offing. In the same year, Jinnah was elected to the central legislative assembly and as the president of All India Muslim League.

    Jinnah- completely tinted in Englishness

    During the short period from 1934 to 1947, Jinnah and Gandhi were considered as political enemies of each other on India’s political sky. Tinted completely in Indian color, Gandhi was like a comet in Indian Politics, who could not be countered by any other whereas Jinnah was colored in a hue of Englishness. Although Gandhi, in comparison to Jinnah, might have remembered more verses in Quran, Jinnah had unrivaled success because he had won the hearts of those Muslims whose traditional language Urdu, he couldn’t even speak properly. His accent was such that once he said Pakisten Jindebed the end of his speech. Some journalists made a meaning of those words as “Pakistan is in bag”, while it meant to be “Pakistan Zindabad.”

    Pakistan Resolution passed in 1940.

    In 1940, another pamphlet titled “Millat –e-Islam and Menace of Indianism” was issued by Rahmat Ali, wherein he implied that Muslims must demand themselves a separate nation. He came with a word “Dinia” out of the manipulation of the letters of the word “India” which meant– subcontinent which was destined to be convertedto Islam. He gave a name “Bang-e-Islam” for the combined terrorities of Bengal and Assam, which meant “Bangush of Islam”. Bangush was the Mughal chieftain of Bengal. He named Bihar as “Faruquistan”, Uttar Pradesh as “Haideristan”, and Rajputana as “Muinistan". He imagined “Moinistan” on the name of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti. His concept was so successful that in December 1940, Lahore Session of the Muslim League passed the “Pakistan Resolution”, which declared that no constitutional schemes would be acceptable or workable to Muslims unless it has been drawn on following fundamentals: Muslims in Muslim-majority areas, such as North-western parts and North-eastern parts of India should be taken collectively and organized in entirely to eight independent countries, where each unit would be independent and sovereign. K.M. Munshi writes in his book “Pilgrimage to Freedom” that, immediately after this, the leaders of Muslim League had created riots in some places. Riots in Dhaka, Ahmedabad, and Mumbai were very much unpleasant.

    Lord Linlithgow- An opportunist

    Congress was fighting for India’s independence, and their demand was being supported not only in India but also at an international level. There was only one meaning to their demand that the British government should transfer the authority to the Congress and move out. However, at the time of Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, in August 1940, said in his famous proposal to India that it was clear without retorting that, for India’s peace and prosperity, the British government could not hand over their responsibilities to the government whose dominion had been rejected by a large and important elements in the nation. With the declaration by Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, the Muslim League got the moral boost for their demand of a new nation “Pakistan”.

    Demand for Pakistan in 1941

    In the next annual session of 1941 at Madras, the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan was presented in a greater zeal. The session also manifested the detailed interpretation of this demand by its President Jinnah. He said, “The aim of All India Muslim League is to establish a completely independent state in the northwest and eastern parts of India with full control over defense, foreign affairs, communications, customs, currency, exchange, etc.” He also added “Under any circumstances, we do not want a complete Indian Constitution with one government at the center. We will never agree to it.”

    Jinnah opposed Quit India Movement

    In 1942, when the Congress initiated Quit India Movement, Jinnah gave speeches in an uncivilized manner against the Congress. When Gandhi made a call in Mumbai that he wanted freedom tonight, then Jinnah urged Muslims to protest against Quit India Movement. To show widespread agitation against Quit India Movement, the Muslim League Press addressed the Congress leaders as gunda, who were fighting with the British government. The British Press had never made such worst statements against the Congress leaders as the Muslim League Press had made.

    Jinnah disliked Nehru

    Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre write in their book “Freedom at Midnight” that Jinnah had outraged his mind against Jawaharlal Nehru. He never liked Nehru’s interference in the politics. According to Jinnah, Nehru was a person who had worn a guise of western education from outside and cunningness from inside.

    Jinnah’s zero tolerance towards Gandhi

    Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre have written in their book “Freedom at Midnight” that once Gandhi visited Jinnah’s place for some talk. During the break, he lay down on the precious Persian carpet of Jinnah and laid the soil on his stomach. Jinnah could never forget this scene nor could he forgive. Also, Jinnah was driven out of the public forum of Congress at least two times as Congress members always wanted him to address Gandhi with “Mahatma” while Jinnah used to say “Mr. Gendi”.

    Jinnah and Gandhi’s dispute on Muslim representation

    Both Jinnah and Gandhi had dispute only at one point. Jinnah argued that the Muslim League was the sole institution that could represent Muslims while Gandhi said that the Congress could represent both Hindu and Muslim. In June 1945, Lord Wavell scheduled a conference between them at Simla, where, the formation of a new executive of viceroy was discussed. Gandhi tried to involve Maulana Abul Azad on the behalf of the Congress. However, Jinnah was against it. He said, “The government will have only four Muslim representatives, and those will be only from the Muslim League. Congress has authority to appoint only Hindus as their representatives”. There were so many disputes over this point that at last Simla Conference failed. After this Viceroy Lord Wavell was considered infelicitous in Indian Politics.

    Preparation of armed action

    The Muslim League claimed that so far as they were not the slave of anyone except the Britishers, therefore there should be a separate nation for them. In order for their demand to be accepted, the Muslim League formulated their private army where training in fighting, stabbing to death, assaults were imparted separately. Arms were collected, and disbanded Muslim personnel of the Indian Army were recruited in the League army. This army continued to expand and equip with military equipments. This army was classified into two organizations- one was the Muslim League Volunteer Corp and second was the Muslim National Guards. The National Guard was a secret organization of the league. Its membership was secret, and it had its centers and headquarters, where its members were given military training and such instructions that would provide benefits to them during riots, such as the fore use of sticks, spears and knife. The commander of the National Guard was known as Salar.

    Achieving Pakistan- by hook or by crook

    Sent by the British government, Cripps’ and its mission of 1942 and the Cabinet mission of 1945 were an attempt to give back India its dominion status. But these missions proved a failure because the Congress and the League could not agree on the British government’s proposal. Congress wanted freedom of India as “Inviolated India” whereas the Muslim League wanted India to be first divided and then freed. When the Congress turned down the Muslim League’s demand, then Jinnah decided to call for “direct action.” Upon this, Jawaharlal Nehru trotted to Jinnah’s residence to convince him to withdraw his announcement of “direct action”, but failed.

    The Muslim League throughout India observed 16 August 1946 as “Direct Action Day” resulting in thousands of death in the city of Calcutta. Bengal Chief Minister Suhravardi while leading riots gave a slogan – Larke Lenge Pakistan. He declared a public holiday on that day so that the Muslim League leaders could successfully enforce violence. Bengal Governor Sir Frederick Burrows could not do anything to stop these riots.

    Jinnah got emotional for Pakistan in London

    Speaking in Kingsway Hall in London on 13 December 1946, regarding the future proceedings of the Constituent Assembly of India during the consultations with the British Government, Jinnah made a fevered plea for the Muslim state that one million Muslims would inhabit Pakistan. He also included that he wanted a separate state in the -western and north-eastern parts of India where they were in 70% majority and wherein they could live according to their lifestyle. “We are told that the so-called united India is British-made. It was by the strength of sword. It can only be held as it has been held. Do not be misled by anyone saying that India is one and should it not continue to be one. What do we want? I tell you, Pakistan. Pakistan presupposes that Hindustan should also be a free State.”

    Muslim League in Nehru’s Interim government

    On September 2, 1946, Interim government of India was formed. Jawaharlal Nehru was the head of it. However, Jinnah was not involved. Jinnah did not send anyone on the five seats kept reserved for the Muslim League. When the Interim Government delivered well without the Muslim League, Jinnah was comprehended and ultimately, he sent his League members to the government on October 15, 1946.

    Finance Ministry to Muslim

    League Upon the Muslim League joining the Interim government, the viceroy Lord Wavell advised the Congress that the Finance Ministry should remain with the Congress and Sardar Patel should be the head of it because they would need the ministry at every step to run the government. By then, Patel would have understood Jinnah and the Muslim League so well. Thus, he chose to offer finance portfolios to the Muslim League and to keep the Department of home affairs with himself.

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  • How Did Pakistan Emerge-2

     22.07.2017
    How Did Pakistan Emerge-2

    Indian government irked by Liaquat Ali khan’s attitude


    Liaquat Ali Khan was unhappy with the post of Finance Minister. He wanted the Ministry of Home Affairs. Chaudhary Muhammad Ali explained Liaquat Ali Khan about the importance of this post. He also accounted him that he could make such a budget which would force the millionaires Congress’s supporters to give up their support. Chaudhary Muhammad Ali was an Indian Audit and Account Service Officer. He had studied economics and law from London. On the suggestion of Chaudhary Muhammad Ali, Liaquat Ali Khan accepted the offer of becoming finance minister and began to object on every penny spent. The Muslim League was eyeing to destroy the government.

    Maulana Abul Kalam Azad writes that the Muslim League members of the cabinet used to hinder the government actions at every step. Despite being in the government, they were against the government. In fact, they were in the position to demolish government’s every step. The first budget presented by Liaquat Ali Khan was a new blow for the Congress. The declared Congress’s Policy was to eliminate economic disparities and to adopt socialist system gradually in place of capitalist society.

    Liaquat Ali Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru had spoken several times on the profits earned by traders and industrialists during the war time. It was also known that the large part of this income was kept hidden from income-tax. Thus, there was an urgent need to take a step for the income-tax recovery by the Indian government. In the budget presented by Liaquat Ali Khan, trade and industry were so heavily taxed that the traders and the industrialists started to yell. Due to this, not only the Congress but trade and industry of the country suffered a great loss permanently.

    Liaquat Ali Khan, in his budget speech, proposed the set up of a commission to inquire allegations of non-payments of income tax on the industrialists and traders and troll into the affairs of recovery of old taxes. He announced that this proposal had been prepared based on the Congress' manifesto. The Congress leaders were not in a position to say anything openly for the industrialists and traders. Liaquat Ali Khan had worked cunningly. He had already received the cabinet approval for the budget to be based on the communist policies. He gave no details about the taxes etc. to the Cabinet. When he presented the budget, the Congress leaders were shocked by it. Rajagopalachari and Sardar Patel opposed the budget with utmost indignation. As a finance minister, Liaquat Ali Khan got a right to interfere in every department of the government. He either used to reject every proposal or modify it. The whole cabinet was crippled from his activities. Even worse, not even a single peon could be appointed without his permission. He had left the Congress Ministers bewildered. With the aim to bridge the gap betweenGandhi and Jinnah, Ghanshyam Das Birla explained Liaquat Ali Khan very hard, but nothing happened. At last, upon the request of the Congress, Lord Mountbatten spoke with Liaquat Ali Khan and made him reduce the tax rates.

    Demand of two Constituent Assemblies

    At the beginning of 1946, elections were held to set up a constituent assembly, with the aim to draft a constitution of the future India. The Muslim League bagged enormous success in these elections, which clarified that the Congress had no option left other than to accept the demand of Pakistan. The constituent assembly started to work for the first time on 9 December 1946, but Jinnah refused to join the assembly. He sought to set up a separate constituent assembly for Pakistan and did not send the league representatives to the meetings of the constituent assembly. Veteran journalist Dr. D.R Manekar writes that Legislative producer committee started functioning in the environment of stress, frustration and uncertainty.

    Dishonest Referee

    Although some British historians have described the role of British power as a referee in the battle between the Congress and the Muslim League but in reality, the British power used to support the Muslim League more. They were those dishonest referees, who at the first opportunity used to punch secretly the opponent whom they didn’t like. Often, the Congress was used to be rebuked because they launched Quit India Movement against the Britishers while the Muslim League had completely supported the Britishers.

    Pakistan without coal and iron

    Most Congress leaders were against the partition of India. Some leaders such as Rajaji Rajagopalachari had understood well that it would be better to divide India on reasonable grounds rather than engaging in the affairs of India’s independence. Ghanshyam Birla also agreed with the views of Rajaji. He wrote letter to Nehru:

    Any partner in business, if he is not satisfied with partnership, I suppose has a right to demand separation. The separation, of course, has to be on an equitable basis, but I cannot conceive how anybody could object to it. If I were a Muslim, I would not accept Pakistan, because the separated Muslim India will be a very poor state, having no iron and no coal. But that is a look out of the Muslims themselves. I have no doubt in my own mind that, if you offered Pakistan, the Muslims would never accept it. But whether they want it or not, our opposition to it has created a thirst among the Muslims to have it.

    Edwina persuaded Mountbatten for partition

    The reliability of the Viceroy Wavell ended on the citizens of India when direct action led by the Muslim League caused bloodshed in Bihar and Bengal. He was then replaced by the new Viceroy Lord Mountbatten in March 1947. The latter’s work was only to liberate India and carry the Britishers in their full dignity and peace, out from India.

    From 24 March 1947, Lord Mountbatten took over the charge as the Viceroy of India. At that time, India was trapped in a precarious situation. The population of India was around 350 million in which 100 million were Muslim and 250 million were Hindus. The Congress was the country’s largest political party, which believed that it had got the support from 100% Hindus, Sikhs, others, and 90% Muslims.

    Whereas, the Muslim League believed that it had got support from 90% Muslims of the country. Mountbatten in India in his first speech said that his office would not be like an ordinary viceroy. In the wake of the British Government’s announcements, he came to find the solution to India’s problem in few months and to transfer his powers by June 1948. He sent his first report to the Attlee Government on 2 April 1947, in which he wrote that the country’s internal tensions are out of range; no matter how quickly the work would be done, there would be a threat of civil war outbreak.

    Like the Congress, Mountbatten was not in the favor of partition of India. In those days, his wife Edwina made a visit to the riot- affected areas. Her eyes were pierced seeing the dead bodies of those killed in the communal riots. After returning from riots-affected areas, Edwina explained her husband that the Congress would never accept the division of India; however, if the Britishers didn’t want to be accused of killing of millions of people, then Mountbatten had to divide India forcibly and prepare the Congress for it. Agreeing to her argument, Mountbatten tried to convince Gandhi, Nehru and Patel for the division. Nehru and Patel accepted the offer while Gandhi was unwilling to take it.

    Partition- a sheer madness

    Upon Nehru and Patel’s acceptance, Mountbatten sent the plan for the division of India to the Attlee Government along with a letter calling partition “shear madness”. He wrote that had these communal riots not left everyone savage, had there been any other option left for the partition, no one in the world would ever forced him to accept this madness. He wanted to “put the responsibility for any of these mad decisions fairly and squarely on the Indian shoulders in the eyes of the world, for one day they will bitterly regret the decision they are about to make.”

    Mountbatten had placed the responsibility of the partition of India on the Congress leaders whom he had convinced very hard for it. He must have had used the word “League leaders” instead of “Indians” in his report.

    Nehru- A savior

    Mountbatten declared the plan that India would be parted in two sovereign countries namely Pakistan and India. Public of any of the eleven British provinces under the British rule could refuse to integrate with any of these -Pakistan or India and could remain individually autonomous. The main reason behind Mountbatten’s plan was that neither India nor Pakistan would be imposed on them. They would be allowed to decide freely whether to be independent or join either of the two countries to form a large group.

    When the plan was put forth by Mountbatten before Jawaharlal Nehru, latter slashed it right away and asserted him that it would create a multitude of fragments all over the country. Nehru called it an ulcer which would cause violence and conflict in the country. Menon drew an alternative plan in six hour

    After Nehru’s violent outburst, Mountbatten asked V.P Menon, who was playing a double role in Indian Politics as the political aide as well as the Secretary of Ministry of States headed by Sardar Patel, to draw up an alternate plan. Sardar Patel and his close associate V. P Menon had already worked on this matter. Then, V.P. Menon formulated that plan on the papers in merely four hours with the help of a typewriter.

    This plan outlined that India would be divided into two parts based on the Dominion status, one representing Muslim-majority Pakistan and the other representing Hindu-majority India. It would be mandatory for the British Province to join India or Pakistan. Punjab and Bengal would be divided based on the population. Native Princes would be freed whether to join India, Pakistan or be independent. Nehru accepted the plan. Mountbatten knew that Jinnah would not accept the offer so readily because latter had demanded entire Bengal and Punjab based on the Muslim population. Still, Mountbatten sent this plan to London for approval.

    Afraid of Jinnah

    Leonard Moseley writes that Mountbatten became apprehensive of Jinnah after sending the plan to London for approval. He felt that Jinnah could oppose the parted Pakistan. Therefore, he spoke to Jinnah and after gaining confidence from him, he sent a telegram to Ismay in London saying he was sure about Jinnah’s approval. However, he knew that Jinnah could persuade him as Jinnah was an astute negotiator. Mountbatten was not satisfied yet. He devised a contingency plan to deal with Jinnah in case he retracted. This contingency plan had primarily provided that since Jinnah has given rejection to the plan therefore, power is being handed over to the current government.

    On Viceroy’s initiative, Gandhi met Jinnah at latter’s residence in Delhi on 6 May 1947. The map of India was propounded between them, in which Pakistan was shown in green color. After this meeting, Jinnah issued a circular which stated that Mr. Gandhi did not value the principles of separation. For him, the separation was not inevitable. However, in Jinnah’s view, it was imperative. It also mentioned that both had pledged to make sincere efforts to maintain communal peace in their respective areas.

    Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s resistance

    When Maulana Abul Kalam Azad came to know about Mountbatten’s visit to Simla to negotiate with British Cabinet for the partition of India, then he also visited Simla to meet Mountbatten and proposed him to stand firmly on the cabinet mission plan to avoid the partitioning of India. On this, Lord Mountbatten said that any delay in the transfer of powers would raise doubts among people regarding the intentions of the British Government and bring it into disrepute.

    Strategies of Conrad Corfield

    Political advisor to Viceroy and Secretary of the Political Department, Sir Conrad Corfield, deeply sympathized with the rights of the Princes. His view was that the interest of India lay within the benefit of the Princes. Like the rulers, he also hated Nehru and the Congress. Conrad admitted that he could see Princely India, which was under Indian Civil Service as Real India more than that two-third of India. He advised the princes to make their organization stronger so as to prevent any interference of the Congress in their states.

    To integrate in India or Pakistan, the Chamber of Princes or “Narender Mandal” was divided into two factions, one of which -“United front of Kings” was working particularly for the Nawab of Bhopal. Corfield was promoting this faction. When Mountbatten sent the plan of India’s partition to the Government of London, then Conrad Corfield drove a campaign to protect the interests of his princes in London. Corfield argued that the princes had devoted their powers to the emperor only, not to any other person. Consequently, when the British would withdraw from India, paramountcy would lapse and all the rulers would get their powers back. It must entirely depend on them whether they wish to merge with India, Pakistan or remain independent. Secretary of State of India, Lord Listowel, supported Corfield’s policy and inserted a significant clause in the Indian Independence Bill. Mountbatten and the Congress leaders denounced this policy. In spite of many attempts by them, this clause wasn’t removed.

    When Mountbatten went to London to get the approval for the plan of partition by the Cabinet, Corfield in India, instructed the officers of the Political Department to remove the armies from the Princely States, cancel the trains, and end the post and telegraph system. He tried to create a void and disrupted relationship between the states and the Indian Union. He also instructed to destroy the letters and files related to the Princely States. As a result, many important records were burnt down. Overall, four tons of papers were destroyed. On the order of Corfield, the white officers had hurriedly cooked about four tons of files, reports, photographs, documents in which the details of whims, luxuries, cruelties, sexual-pleasure programs and so on of the last five generations of the rulers, emperors, Nawabs, etc. were hammered. Foreign leaders had marked many illustrated and non-illustrated sonnets of exciting adventures of the Indian rulers in secret files. Whimsical and comedic, cruel and venereal, and many such stories of the Indian kings were consumed into ashes. Such moment came several times when the relation of Indian rulers and foreign leaders were on the verge of break-up. Many of these instances must have been burnt in the pyre.

    The plea Corfield gave to the Attlee Government for the destruction of these papers and records was that if they could not save the future of our rulers then at least they could save their past so that no one in independent India could use those to blackmail them. Nehru and Patel came to know about the destruction of all the records, closing of the residencies and assigning of the Crown forces and the military camps to different states by the Political department, Nehru in a rage, ordered to stop this agitation immediately as there was a threat to the historical and valuable things of being destroyed in the fire. However, it was too late. In Patiala, Hyderabad, Indore, Mysore, Porbandar, Cochin, and New Delhi and in many other places, almost all files had been burnt.

    All India States Peoples’ Conference passed a resolution demanding that the Political Department and all of its agencies should be immediately transferred to the new Indian Government or a new department should be set up under the Central Government to perform the tasks of the Political Department. On 13 June, Viceroy held a meeting where Nehru, Patel, Kripalani, Jinnah, Liaquat Ali, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Sardar Baldev Singh and Corfield were present. Nehru accused Corfield of this incident. He held Corfield responsible for tarnishing the image of the country. Jinnah sided with Corfield and told Nehru if he had to make an allegation without any evidence, then that meeting had no point. According to Corfield, Wakefield had made a plan to send the records of historical significance to the Indian Office in London through the British High Commissioner in Delhi and destroy the records related to the episodes of the personal significance of rulers. It was decided at the meeting that those papers which the British Government did not want to handover to the Indian Government should not be burnt and handed over to the British High Commissioner. Also, the Political Department would be formed to safeguard the interests of the princes. Jinnah also added that the Muslim League would also constitute a Political Department. Corfield objected that before independence, neither the Congress nor the Muslim League could do this; because this would show that the paramountcy had been transferred from the Political Department to all new Political Departments before independence.

    Viceroy said that two new departments should be set up, but their name would be Princely Department instead of the Political Department. This should be entirely left up to the states whether they sent their representatives to Delhi, Karachi or their successors called the representatives of the governments at their place.

    Jinnah’s chauvinism

    When Mountbatten returned with an approval of the plan, then Jinnah suddenly demanded of a thousand miles path through Indian Territory to match West Pakistan and East Pakistan. On this, the Congress again got annoyed. However, Mountbatten somehow managed to mediate between both the parties.

    Gandhi reiterated his opposition

    At the evening prayer meeting of 31 May 1947, Gandhi once again reiterated his opposition to the partition of India. He also mentioned that the Congress Leaders would oppose the partition even if there would be a risk of terrible violence, even if the whole of India would burn down.

    Everyone against Gandhi On 2 June 1947, Mountbatten invited Nehru, Patel and Acharya Kripalani (the Congress President) on the behalf of the Congress; Liaquat Ali Khan, Rab Nishtar and Sardar Baldev Singh (representative of six million Sikhs) on the behalf of the Muslim League at his place and handed over the copies of the plan. These leaders took the copies of the plan but were apprehensive of Gandhi’s future move.

    The day when Mountbatten went to England, that day also Gandhi, in his prayer meeting, reiterated that they would not “give an inch of land as Pakistan” even if whole India would burn in a fire. However, a month had already passed accepting the consent of the division of India in the Congress Working Committee Commenting on the behavior of Indian leaders on 2 June 1947 at Mountbatten’s place, Mountbatten writes that they all hated Gandhi from inside. They all wanted to target Gandhi through him.

    Gandhi’s silence

    Collins and Lapierre write that on 2 June, after the Congress, the Muslim League and the Sikh Leaders left, Mountbatten called Gandhi and appealed him not to oppose the plan. Gandhi observed that day a vow of silence and wrote to Viceroy that he could not speak that day but would surely discuss it.

    Announcement on radio

    Accepting of the Mountbatten’s plan by the Viceroy and the Congress Leaders, and partition of India into two newly independent countries by the Britishers were made public on 3 June 1947 at seven in the evening. The Viceroy admitted that since the agreement between the Congress and the Muslim Leaders on a scheme for the country to stay united was not possible, therefore, with independence, the country would be partitioned into Hindustan and Pakistan based on the population.

    Nehru dreamt of one nation

    Nehru welcomed Viceroy’s declaration warmly and appealed Indians to accept the plan peacefully. He said that India’s Independence was not “one of compulsion or coercion.” If ever India would divide, then the two parts would soon unite and once again intact India would have “stronger and more secure foundation.” Jinnah said in his speech that it was for them then to concede the plan presented by the Britannia Government as a “compromise or settlement.” Leader of Sikhs, Baldev Singh said that it was not the compromise but the settlement. Not everyone would be happy with this, especially Sikhs. But still it was worthwhile. Finally, they were ready to accept it.

    Prayer Meeting of June

    On 4 June 1947, Mountbatten got the news that in the prayer meeting of that day, Gandhi would appeal Indian citizens to disapprove the plan of partition. Having learned of Gandhi’s move, Mountbatten called him and told him that the entire plan of the partition had been created as per his directions and the decision of the separation should be taken by the people, not by the Britishers.

    That day, Gandhi explained at his prayer meeting that nothing would happen by blaming the Viceroy. The answer of whatever was happening or had happened lay inside all of them [public]. He also conveyed to public to see themselves first before saying anything to anyone.

    Acceptance of division plan in A.I.C.C. 

    On 14 June 1947, at the meeting of the A.I.C.C, the resolution dealing with Mountbatten’s plan for dividing the India was moved. Many of the Congress leaders opposed it. However, Nehru, Patel, Govind Ballah Pant and Gandhi intervened in the debate and spoke for the partition. When resolution was put to vote, only 29 voted for partition and 15 voted against. The Hindus from Sindh opposed this resolution.

    Indian Independence Act 1947

    On 18 July 1947, Indian Independence Act was given the assent and came into force. It was recognized in the act that, on 15 August 1947, with the transfer of the powers by the British Government, two new dominions - Pakistan and India would come into being. The British suzerainty over 565 princely states of India would be ceased, and the treaty relations between the British Crown and Princely States would come to an end, with effect from 15 August 1947.

    Formation of Partition Council

    The Partition Council, headed by the Viceroy was formed to work in an orderly manner to divide the assets and liabilities. The decisions regarding currency, goods, and even furniture kept in banks, government premises and post offices were taken in the council. In times of partition, it was decided that Pakistan would receive 17.5% of the cash and sterling share kept in the banks. It was also accounted that 17.5% share of national debt of India was to be paid by Pakistan as compensation. Of all country’s vast government system, there would be a division in the ratio 80:20 between India and Pakistan.

    There were 18 thousand and 77 miles long roads, and 26 thousand and 421 miles long railway tracks in total, of which 4 thousand and 913 miles long roads, and 7 thousand and 112 miles long railway tracks were inherited by Pakistan. Viceroy’s white golden car came to India and in return, all the cars of Commander-in-Chief and Governor-General of Punjab were bagged in by Pakistan. Viceroy had six gold plated, and six silver plated buggies. Gold plated buggies went to India whereas silver plated buggies went to Pakistan.

    Preparation of division of India

    The Partition Council was formed, where H.M Patel was the Indian representative and Chaudhary Mohamed Ali was the Pakistani representative. Twenty committees and sub-committees were set up to help them in which nearly hundred high officials were hired. The work of these committees was to prepare various types of proposals and sent those to the Partition Council for approval. By that time, the legislative assembly elected in India was not in existence, due to which the Constituent Assembly was given the dual status of both Parliament as well as the Constituent Assembly.

    Before the partition of India, Lord Mountbatten founded two alternative governments from the Interim government to handle the administration of the two countries which were going to come into force on 15 August. Having improved the Government of India Act, 1935, the work of constitution from 1947 to 1950 in India and 1947 to 1956 in Pakistan was taken.

    A force of Gurkhas, called as Punjab Boundary Force was formed to maintain peace in Punjab. 55 thousand soldiers were appointed to the force. This force was placed in those areas where the massacre was most likely to occur. The army started its operation from 1 August 1947.

    Special trains for the officials

    On 3 August 1947, special trains were arranged for the officials willing to go to Pakistan from Delhi to Karachi. These trains, in return, had to carry officials wanting to come to India from Pakistan. By that time, the trains had come in the grip of terrible communal insanity. Therefore, statesman appealed the public not to use the trains. Statesman believed that trains would remain safe, but the trains carrying the officials from Pakistan were also trapped in the communal violence.

    Two alternative governments

    Before the partition, Lord Mountbatten formed two alternative governments from the interim government of India to administrate the work of both the countries which was going to come into being on 15 August 1947.


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  • How Did Pakistan Emerge-3

     22.07.2017
    How Did Pakistan Emerge-3

    Radcliffe line

    To demarcate the boundaries between India and Pakistan upon the partition of India, the Radcliffe Committee was appointed on 27 June 1947. It was named after a noted lawyer of England, Sir Cyril Radcliffe, who was the chairman of this Committee. Radcliffe made his maiden visited Delhi on 8 July 1947. A board of four judges was deputed in each province to assist him. Of all these judges, half were appointed by the Congress and half by the Muslim League. Writing a letter to Mountbatten, Governor of Punjab demanded that the report of Radcliffe Committee must be generated prior to independence in order to end people’s rout. Even the Partition Committee also appealed the same to the Viceroy.

    Sir Cyril Radcliffe was a prominent barrister in England. He had never visited India before. People gathered around him in droves and tried to impress him, wherever he went. A flick of his pen could save or demolish them. They could go beyond any limit to impress that Britisher. Radcliffe was showered with maps, signatures, bribes, and threats.

    Although the report was ready by 9 August 1947, Mountbatten decided to delay it from being public in order to prevent a widespread disorder on Independence Day and finally presented it on 17 august 1947 which resulted in a prevalence of dilemma in Punjab and Bengal. Neither side was happy with Radcliffe’s work. They had heavily criticized Radcliffe; frustrated Radcliffe thus refused to accept the remuneration of two thousand pounds.

    Radcliffe’s fear- “people would shoot me”

    Radcliffe flew to England and decided never to visit India again. He admitted that the Indian leaders had asked him to do an onerous task to draw them a line on or before 15 August 1947. So he “drew them a line”; what more they expected from him in such situation. He later remarked, “I suspect they’d shoot me out of the hand, both sides.”

    Demand of Taj Mahal by Muslims

    After the announcement of the date of partition, some Muslim fundamentalists wanted Taj Mahal to be dismantled and shipped to Pakistan where it should be built afresh. However, their demand lacked strength.

    Birth of Pakistan

    Jinnah left India for Karachi on 7 August 1947. The next day, Sardar Patel said, “the poison has been removed from the body of India. We all are one and indivisible. You cannot divide the sea or the waters of the river. As for the Muslims, they have their roots, their sacred places and their centers here. I do not know what they can possibly do in Pakistan. It will not be long before they return to us.” India was partitioned on the basis of religious demographics on 14 August 1947.

    The partition gave birth to two states- the Muslim-majority Dominion of Pakistan and the Hindu-majority Union of India. Lord Mountbatten addressed in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and declared Pakistan as completely independent nation on 14 August 1947. The Viceroy flew back to Delhi on the same day (14 August 1947) and at midnight; he announced the independence of India in the Constituent Assembly of India.

    Soon after the end of the British Raj, a Governor-General was to be appointed for India and Pakistan. It was provided in the Indian Independence Act that a person might be appointed as a Governor-General for both the countries. It was being assumed that Mountbatten would be suitable and would be appointed as the Governor-General for both the countries for some time. But only India appointed Lord Louis Mountbatten as its first Governor-General while Jinnah became the Governor-General of Pakistan. Several years later, when Mountbatten came to India, Pakistan didn’t allow his airplane to fly over Pakistan.

    Largest escape in the human history

    The line drawn by Radcliffe had left 5 million Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistani-Punjab and 5 million Muslims in Indian-Punjab. Eventually, about hundreds of thousands of Muslims migrated to Pakistan from India and vice-versa. By estimating the number, Michael Bricher writes that under fear, rumor, madness, and approximately 12 million people crossed the boundaries between India and Pakistan. By other estimates, around 5 lakh people died or were killed before the end of a year. Delhi’s street was filled with refugees. Moseley writes that post- partition, migration unleashed gruesome violence in the subcontinent. Over 6 lakh were killed, 14 million fled away from their homes, 1 lakh women were abducted or forced into trafficking. Children were harassed, and many women were raped. Even worse, the womb of pregnant ladies was ripped off. Sikhs and Hindus dwelling on North-western Frontier for generations fled their homes and hearths towards East (communities of Hindus and Sikhs) in search of protection. Some traveled on foot, some in bullock carts, some crammed into Lorries and some clung to the sides and roofs of trains. Along the way, they collided with the Muslims, who were fleeing to seek refuge in the west. Riots turned into rout. By the summer, when the official announcement of the creation of the new state of Pakistan had been made, approximately ten million people- Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs were caught up in chaotic transition. Nearly 1 million people were killed with the arrival of monsoon. Whole of northern India was under arms, terror and hide and seek.

    It is evident from the above facts that abusing the chancellor post of Narendra Mandal, Nawab of Bhopal did not want a strong union to be built at the center. In such situation, the king of Bikaner, Sudal Singh, came forward on national political stage to lead the kings of the country. On 10 April 1947, key cities such as Baroda, Patiala, Bikaner, Udaipur, Jaipur, Jodhpur and Rewa, announcing their participation in the constituent assembly, destroyed the plans of the Nawabs. The rulers wanted that the paramountcy should lapsed immediately so that they could negotiate for their rights firmly but the British Government believed that the dilution of sovereignty for the British India as well as the dilution of paramountcy for the princely states should not be on different dates.

    The Rajputana states had turned the history of the country, which was standing on the door to independence, into a right direction forever. However, the Rajputana kings had made surety that the charges of being an enemy of the country’s democratic progress would not be imposed on them.

    Issues of the native states

    According to section 8 of India Independence Act, 1947, from 15 August 1947, the British suzerainty over the princely states was to be diluted, and the powers were once again to be transferred to the princely states. Thus, the princely states were free to join either India or Pakistan or remain independent. At the time of independence, the Hindu states were in a majority in India. The rulers of Hyderabad, Bhopal, Junagadh, and Tonk etc. were Muslims but the most of their people were Hindus. Whereas the ruler of Kashmir was Hindu but most of the people there were Muslims. In this way ethically, states of the country and their citizens were associated with the Hindu-majority areas of British India.

    At the time of independence, there were 566 princely states in India. Only 12 states of them– Bahawalpur, Khairpur, Kalat, Las Bela, Makran, Kharan, Amb, Chitral, Hunza, Dir, Nagar, and Swat were surrounded by Pakistan. These were to be integrated into Pakistan. Rest 554 states were to remain in India. Except Junagadh, Bhopal, Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir, remaining 550 princely states agreed to integrate in India before 15 August 1947 with the efforts of Sardar Patel. Junagadh, Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Kashmir refused to join India. Some Hindu states began to dream of living independently of India and Pakistan.

    The Congress reckoned that when the British Government would transfer the power to Indian Government, then suzerainty of the British Government over the princely states would automatically move to the Indian Government. Small states had no choice other than to join the Indian Union, but large and capable states had a different situation. Travancore, Hyderabad, Jammu and Kashmir, Mysore, Indore, Bhopal, Nawanagar, even the small principality Bilaspur dreamed of being truly free.

    The Alwar ruler said in the meeting of Narendra Mandal held at Bombay on 3 April 1947 that the Governors of princely states must not integrate into the Hindi Union. On 5 June 1947, Bhopal, Travancore proclaimed to exist as a separate state. Hyderabad also showed its willingness to remain aloof. Such similar announcement was also expected from Kashmir, Indore, Jodhpur, Dholpur, Bharatpur and another group of states.

    In this way, the ambitions of the rulers of some princely states had become the threat to the country’s integrity. The Governor of Madras and later on Britain’s first High Commissioner of independent India, Sir Archibald Nye had doubt in negotiating any treaty with the princely states. Mountbatten told Sardar Patel that he could secure the rulers’ accession to India and could make them drop the idea of remaining independent on the following terms-the rulers would be allowed to retain their positions, estates, and properties; there would be no arrest; there would be the guarantees of privy purse and they would not be prevented from accepting the honor given by the British Government. Patel put the condition before Mountbatten that he would accept all the above stipulations provided Mountbatten bagged all the princely states into the lap of India.

    Tej Bahadur Sapru was so surprised on the foolish thinking of the states whether small or large, that they would be independent and would be able to maintain their independence. Lords of adversity foretold that India’s Independence boat would collide with the rock of the states.

    Take care of your “babies”

    After the announcement of the independence of India, the cartoon titled “YOUR BABIES NOW” by David Low was published in London Evening Standard wherein the problem of the Indian rulers was portrayed accurately before the Indian leaders. In the said cartoon, Nehru and Jinnah, sitting on separate chairs, were shown. Some children were sitting in their lap. Britain was shown as a nurse, who was going away with the union jack. Children sitting in the lap of Nehru were delineated as the problem of rulers, who were screaming and kicking to his knees.

    Jinnah’s conspiracy

    On one hand, the Congress presented strict policy against the princely states, on the contrary, the Muslim League adopted an exceedingly naïve attitude towards the princely states. It was convenient for the Muslim League to do so. Jinnah was trying that a large number of states declared their independence and joined Pakistan so that the Indian Union could become permanently weak. Jinnah wanted to convey it to the rulers that the Congress was the common enemy of both the Muslim League and the princely states. He also attempted to attract the Rajput states to Pakistan by giving them lucrative offers. He assured the princely states that the Muslim League would not interfere in their internal affairs and if they wished to settle independent, then also they would not be given any trouble from Muslim League’s side. A secret campaign was being carried out among the rulers of Rajasthan by the Muslim League that they (Rajasthan) should join Pakistan, not the Hindi Union. Mountbatten’s attitude was incredibly soft towards the Nizam of Hyderabad. Jinnah used Corfield and Nawab of Bhopal to make India paralyzed.

    Attitude of the rulers

    Maharaja of Travancore accepted to send a merchant from his place to Pakistan on 11 June 1947. Maharaja of Jodhpur and the rulers of many other small states were looking to the consequences of the revolt carried out by larger states, pursuant to which they wanted to follow up.

    Baroda Maharaja Pratap Singh’s dismissal

    Baroda Maharaja Pratap Singh wrote Sardar Patel a letter that unless he was chosen as the king of India and unless the Government of India accepted all his demands, he would not cooperate and nor would cooperate in suppressing the rebellion by Nawab of Junagadh. Upon this, the Government of India instead chose to appoint Maharaja Pratap Singh’s son, Fateh Singh as the Maharaja of Baroda. After seeing Indian Government’s rigid attitude, Maharaja Pratap Singh started acting humbly like country’s servant. He also dissolved the State Union, which he had created to prevent the merger of the princely states. He finally came to the conclusion that joining hands with the Indian Government and receiving their protection was the only option left with him. It also came to his mind that instead of being a ruler and living on the will of rebellious people, living under the patronage of the Indian Government would be far more suitable.

    Bhopal Nawab’s plot

    Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan, was working covertly as a pro-Muslim, pro-Pakistani and anti-Congress but, after the partition of India was finally decided, third front leader Nawab of Bhopal opened his fist and directly went in the support of divisive Muslim League and became the close advisor of Jinnah. He was included in that plan of Jinnah in which more and more of rulers were to be encouraged to join Pakistan and announcement was to be undergone by them to remain autonomous. Secretary of Ministry of States, A. S. Pai sent Sardar Patel a note sheet stating that Nawab of Bhopal was working for Jinnah. Nawab wanted that the states situated along the route from Bhopal to Karachi should be amalgamated into one unit and should join Pakistan. Therefore, he drew a plan with the consent of Jinnah to include Baroda, Indore, Bhopal, Udaipur, Jodhpur, and Jaisalmer in Pakistan. The biggest hurdle in this scheme could arise from the presence of Baroda and Udaipur. Maharaja of Jodhpur took the responsibility for securing the consent of the states described above. In this way, a map to break India into smithereens was prepared.

    Involvement of Dholpur Maharaja in the plan

    Hamidullah Khan also involved Maharaja Rana of Dholpur Uday Bhanu Singh in his plan. Uday Bhanu Singh was considered as a polyhistor, intelligent and efficient ruler of the main state of Jat. However, he was not ready acceding Dholpur into the Indian Union, come what may! On Jinnah’s cue, the Nawab and Maharaja Rana talked to many rulers of the states such as Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Udaipur, and Jaipur, etc. and invited them to meet Jinnah. Maharaja of Alwar among the Hindu rulers was also there, to accompany the Nawab.

    Corfield’s conspiracy 

    Corfield, through residents and political agents, motivated the rulers of the states to stay different from the Indian Union. Corfield wanted at least 2-3 states, wherein Hyderabad topped on his list, to escape out from the clutches of the Congress. He also wanted to make as difficult as possible for the other states to join India. Corfield publicized among the states that the states had three ways instead of two, that they could join any of the two dominions or stay independent. With the efforts of Corfield, Travancore, Hyderabad announced to remain independent and showed their reluctance to join any of the dominions.

    Establishment of the Department

    of States On 5 July 1947, the Ministry of (Princely) States headed by Sardar Patel came into being. Congress believed this “Iron Man” of the party could cajole, out-maneuver these princely states to accede to India. He alone was enough to head-on the plans of Hamidullah, Corfield, Ramaswamy Iyer and circumvent the independent states into the Indian Union. V.P Menon was appointed as an advisor and secretary of Patel. He was the only officer who could solve the complex problem of the states. The great combination of factors of Patel’s personality and Menon’s mind proved dire in rulers agreeing to integrate with India. Seasoned politicians such as Sardar K.M Panicker, V.T Krishnamachari; distinguished minister of the Indian States and senior officials of Indian Civil Service such as C.S Venkatachar, M.K Vellodi, V. Shankar, Pandit Hari Sharma were working in backstage. Patel said to Menon that Pakistan was working on an idea of merging some border states with them. The situation was such hideous that the independence they labored for after facing so much of difficulties could vanish from the doors of the states.

    Merger on three subjects

    Five weeks were left from the date of independence. On one hand, Corfield was engaged in the work of dissolution of the central authority from the states before the end of the British power due to which all the arrangements would be being canceled one by one. On the other hand, Sardar was in pucker that before 15 August, how the matter regarding every system of the rulers such as the army, post which the Britishers had begun to cancel, could be tackled. Menon suggested Sardar to put pressure on the rulers over three subjects for merger namely- defense, external affairs, and communications. After securing the permission from Patel, Menon sought help from Mountbatten in this regard. Menon told the Viceroy if all the states united with India, then the degree of the wound of the division would decrease to some extent, and if Mountbatten gave support in this matter, then the citizens of India would owe him a debt of gratitude for centuries. Eventually, Mountbatten gave a green light to the matter.

    On 5 July 1947, Patel appealed the rulers to integrate into the Indian Union before 15 August 1947. The princely states had to entrust the 3 subjects of the public interest – defense, foreign affairs and communications, the assent of which they had given earlier in the Cabinet Mission. Neither the Indian Union had asked anything more than this nor had a desire to interfere in the internal affairs of the Princely states. He assured that the policy of States Department would not be of domination over the States.

    The Congress was never against the rulers. The Indian rulers had always expressed their faith towards patriotism and public welfare. Patel also warned the rulers that if any of the rulers thought that the British paramountcy would be transferred to him, then this would be his mistake. Paramountcy lay inside the citizens of India. This declaration was of a kind to invite the rulers on equal existence to join Independent India. In Sardar’s words, this proposal was better than the subordinate treaty set between the rulers and the British Government in the past. In this way, the first dice was thrown by Menon and Sardar to persuade the states to accede to India, the result of which was that Bikaner ruler Saadul Singh accepted the Sardar Patel’s declaration once again and requested his brother rulers to hold the extended hand of friendship and give their full support to the Congress so that India could attain its goal at much faster pace.

    However, most rulers believed that they should have listened to Corfield instead of Patel.


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  • How Did Pakistan Emerge-4

     22.07.2017
    How Did Pakistan Emerge-4

    Strategies to accede Jodhpur to Pakistan

    On 16 July 1947, V.P Menon sent a letter to Indian Deputy Secretary Sir Patrick in England stating that the Viceroy had talked to the representatives of Mysore, Baroda, Gwalior, Bikaner, Jaipur, and Jodhpur about the matter of unification in India. All of them had positive reactions. On 2 August 1947, Menon informed Patrick that almost all the rulers had made up their minds to concatenate their states in the Indian Union.

    Only Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Indore were in a dilemma. The Viceroy had convinced the rulers, and the rulers of following states had shown their consent to join their states in India- Gwalior, Patiala, Kota, Jodhpur, Jaipur, Rampur, Nawanagar, Jalawar, Panna, Tehri Garhwal, Faridkot, Sangli, Sitamau, Palitana, Phaltan, Khairagarh, and Sandur. Albeit, Jodhpur state had been working in the Constituent Assembly since 28 April 1947, and the ruler of Jodhpur, Maharaja Hanwant Singh had announced his decision twice to join India; however, he came under the influence of Mohammad Ali Jinnah (creator of Pakistan), his supporter- Nawab of Bhopal and Maharaja Rana of Dholpur exactly 10 days before the country rolling up for independence.

    When the plan to set up an independent group of Rajput states failed, then the members of the Political Department advised the Rajput states to integrate into Pakistan. The Rajput states could do that legally as these stretched along the border of Indo-Pakistan. Jodhpur was among those states. Since Maharaja Hanwant Singh hated Congress and Jodhpur lay near the Pakistan border; therefore, he thought to meet Jinnah. The ruler of Jodhpur had met Jinnah and the leaders of Muslim League several times and in his last visit, he took Maharaja Kumar of Jaisalmer along with him. The ruler of Bikaner refused to go with him, and Hanwant Singh was hesitant to see Jinnah alone. Seeing those people, Jinnah became jubilant. Jinnah knew that if these two states would integrate into Pakistan, then other Rajput states would also integrate into Pakistan; not only would the issue related to the partition of Punjab and Bengal be solved but the plan of the Congress to acquire all the major states would also be failed. Jinnah signed a blank paper and gave it to the ruler of Jodhpur along with his pen, and told him to jot down any conditions. Further discussions took place. On this, Hanwant Singh showed his inclination to become a part of Pakistan. Then he turned towards Maharaja Kumar of Jaisalmer and asked his opinion. Maharaja Kumar was ready to sign on one condition that if ever Muslims and Hindus fought, then Jinnah would not favor Muslims against Hindus. It was like a bombardment which left Maharaja Hanwant Singh flummoxed. Jinnah pressurized Hanwant Singh to sign the document. When Maharaja Kumar of Jaisalmer refused to unite with Pakistan, Maharaja of Jodhpur became erratic. Taking an advantage of this opportunity, Maharaja’s A.D.C Colonel Kesari Singh advised Maharaja to ask his mother before taking the final decision. Maharaja got an excuse, and he departed saying to Jinnah that he would think about it and be back in one-two days with his decision.

    Colonel Kesari Singh informed Prime Minister C.S Venkatachar about the facts. Seeing the severity of the conspiracy, Venkatachar sent a letter to the Prime Minister of Bikaner, Sardar Panicker on 6 August 1947. It was stated in the letter that Nawab of Bhopal took Maharaja of Jodhpur to meet Jinnah. Jinnah had offered that he was willing to make a treaty, by giving recognition to Jodhpur of an independent state. He also offered that all those arms required by Jodhpur could be imported freely without any marginal tax. Jinnah also reassured to make Maharaja of Jodhpur, a supremo of Rajasthan, which took him completely by surprise and tempted him to become the king of Rajasthan. Colonel Kesari Singh, secretary of Maharaja, went to Jinnah’s residence along with Maharaja, but he was not allowed to go inside. So he was not aware of all the terms. The next day, when Maharaja went along with Nawab of Bhopal to meet Jinnah, then the format of the treaty was ready for the signature. At that time, Maharaja told Kesari Singh that by signing the treaty, he would become the King of Rajasthan. Kesari Singh explained to Maharaja that he should first consult her mother and other relatives before doing so. Maharaja departed by reassuring Jinnah that he would sign the treaty on 8 August after taking the advice of their relatives. Kesari Singh also reiterated this assurance.

    After returning to Jodhpur, Hanwant Singh convened a meeting of the State’s vassals at Sardar Samand Palace and encouraged their opinion. None of the vassals except Damli Thakur was willing to struggle with the Indian Government. Maharaja stayed in Jodhpur for three days. There was much indignation in the environment of Jodhpur over the question of annexation with Pakistan. When Hanwant Singh returned to Delhi after three days, then Menon was informed that if he could not handle Maharaja expeditiously, then there were chances that Maharaja might join Pakistan. Menon urged Mountbatten to make Maharaja of Jodhpur agree to join India. Menon went to Imperial Hotel and told Maharaja that Lord Mountbatten wanted to talk to him. Menon drove Maharaja to Viceroy’s house. The Viceroy, with his attractive personality and stalwart spoke to Maharaja similarly like a teacher explains to his undisciplined student. He told Maharaja that he had a full right to accede Jodhpur to Pakistan, but he should not overlook the consequences which would arise out of this. He was a Hindu, and most of his subjects were predominantly Hindu. The Maharaja’s action would be against the principle that the India would be fragmented into two pieces, one of which would be the Muslim country and the other would be Non-Muslim country; and such affiliation into Pakistan would lead to serious communal troubles in Jodhpur.

    A movement was also expected to be carried out by the congress. Maharaja told Mountbatten that Jinnah had asked to jot down his terms on the blank paper on which Jinnah would sign. Menon on this said that he could also do the same, but Maharaja would not receive anything from this in the same way as he would get nothing from Pakistan despite the signature from Jinnah. On this, Mountbatten asked Menon to give certain concessions to Maharaja like Jinnah. Maharaja accepted the proposal of merger of the state into India and signed the document. Maharaja and Menon both agreed on some privileges which Menon himself took to Jodhpur when it came in written form. According to the report sent by Mountbatten to Indian Secretary on 8 August 1947, the Prime Minister of Jodhpur Venkatachar had informed that after having lunch in Delhi with the Viceroy, Maharaja of Jodhpur had declared that he want to accede Jodhpur to the Indian Union.

    However soon afterward, Maharaja of Dholpur pressurized Maharaja of Jodhpur not to adhere to the Indian Union. Maharaja of Jodhpur was taken to Jinnah and in the presence of Nawab of Bhopal and his legal counselor Zafarullah Khan, Jinnah proposed that if Maharaja heralded his state independent on 15 August, then following concessions would be given:-

    (1) All the facilities of the port of Karachi would be given to Jodhpur State.

    (2) Jodhpur State would be allowed to import arms.

    (3) Jodhpur would have jurisdiction over Jodhpur-Hyderabad railway.

    (4) An ample supply of grains would be provided in famine-prone districts of Jodhpur.

    The Viceroy writes that Maharaja believed that offers given by Jinnah were the best and informed Nawab of Bhopal through a telegram that his situation was unstable, and he would like to meet him on 11 August. On 7 August, Hanwant Singh went to Baroda where he explained Maharaja Gaekwad not to sign the signed protocol. Bhopal Nawab was also trying to allure the rulers of Jodhpur, Kutch, and Udaipur not to sign the signed protocol. The Viceroy sent a letter to Maharaja of Jodhpur asking him to visit him soon. He (the Viceroy) was extremely sad because on one hand Nawab of Bhopal behaved like a friend but on the other hand he planned to thwart his plot. He accounted that he would talk on the Nawab’s tricks when latter would visit Delhi.

    On 11 August 1947, Lord Mountbatten interacted to the rulers of the states and sought clarification from Nawab on the information, which was received by Sardar Patel, according to which the Nawab had pressurized Maharaja of Jodhpur to meet Jinnah along with him. Bhopal Nawab gave the answer to the Viceroy :

    On 6 August, Maharaja Dholpur and other two rulers informed me that Maharaja Jodhpur wanted to see me. I answered that I would be glad to meet Jodhpur Maharaja. When Maharaja came to me, he said that he wanted to meet Jinnah soon to know the details of the terms. As Jinnah was going to Karachi forever, leaving Delhi, he was extremely busy. Yet I managed to take the time of interview for Maharaja. We (Nawab and Maharaja) were given the time after the lunch, information of which was sent to Maharaja. Maharaja came to my residence in the afternoon, and we then went to meet Jinnah. Maharaja asked Jinnah what all offers were in his basket for the rulers who wanted to establish the relationship with Pakistan. Jinnah made a clear statement that he would like to make a treaty with those rulers and give them the recognition of an independent state by offering them good conditions. Then Maharaja further talked about the facility of sea-port, jurisdiction over railway, supply of grains and the free import of arms. During the meeting, there was no discussion on the fact that whether or not Maharaja should sign the protocol. I returned to Bhopal after this interview. I received the message on the phone call from Maharaja of Dholpur about Jodhpur Maharaja’s return to Delhi on 9 August; therefore I should also reach Delhi. When I reached Delhi, then I received the message at the airport from Maharaja to reach Jodhpur Maharaja’s place directly. On arrival, Maharaja of Dholpur told me that I had to wait for sometime more as Jodhpur Maharaja had gone to meet the Viceroy and would return shortly. But Maharaja did not get the time to meet me as he stayed for longer to the Viceroy. Maharaja sent the message through telephone that he was leaving for Jodhpur and would return in the evening. On Saturday evening, Maharaja Dholpur informed me that Maharaja Jodhpur had not yet returned, and it appeared that he might return on Sunday. On Sunday (10 August) around 13:30pm, I got the invitation from Dholpur Maharaja to join him for the lunch. I on arrival discovered Jodhpur Maharaja there. He had brought his master along. Maharaja introduced his master as his philosopher and advisor. After meeting Jinnah, I met Jodhpur Maharaja that day. Maharaja asked us to interact with his master. Dholpur and other rulers had detailed conversations with the master in which I had participated little. When I was about to leave, then Maharaja of Jodhpur said that he would come on Monday morning to meet me. Keeping his promise, Maharaja came to meet me on Monday at 10 am and said that his master has not reached his decision yet but Maharaja himself has taken the decision to remain in the Indian Union. I said to Maharaja that he is the ruler of his state and is free to make his own decisions.

    The Viceroy considered the facts sent by Bhopal Nawab right. Onkar Singh assumes, based on this description, that Colonel Kesari Singh was not present at the time of the meeting of Jinnah and Maharaja of Jodhpur; otherwise, the Nawab would have surely mentioned him. According to Onkar Singh, Kesari Singh had spread the delusions that he was also present at the time of meeting; due to which Maneckar and Panicker had distorted the facts.

    On 16 August, Lord Mountbatten sent the final report to Indian secretary, Article 41 of which stated that when Mountbatten called Maharaja Jodhpur on 8 August then latter reached Delhi late on the same night from Jodhpur and met him the next morning. Maharaja admitted about his meeting with Jinnah, and the description given by the Nawab was correct. When Patel came to know about Maharaja’s ploy, then he agreed to go to any extent to persuade Maharaja. He finally agreed on following terms: Maharaja Jodhpur would be able to import the arms without any interruptions; whole grains would be supplied to the famine-prone areas of the state and for this, other areas of India would be disregarded; the railway line would be allowed to extend from Jodhpur to the sea-port of Kutch. Maharaja became satisfied on Patel’s acceptance, and he decided to remain with India.

    Onkar Singh believes that Maharaja Hanwant Singh neither wanted to join Pakistan nor wanted to become the king of Rajasthan, but he wanted to put pressure on Sardar Patel to basket maximum benefits for his state. It could be said in the light of the facts that having been trapped in the coups of Bhopal Nawab and Maharaja Rana Dholpur, Maharaja of Jodhpur visited Jinnah to find out that in which possibilities he would have a maximum advantage, whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain autonomous. Even the Hindu rulers of Jodhpur and Travancore had tried to attempt some separatist tricks but Patel’s reflexes ruined them.

    Sumnesh Joshi was the first who had busted the intentions of Maharaja of Jodhpur to meet in Pakistan in the newspaper published from Jodhpur. According to a published report titled “Intentions of the vassals of the Rajputs and Nawab of Bhopal were not fulfilled” of August 20, 1947 issue, there was a surprise behind the sign of joy occurred in the political arena due to Jodhpur state’s entrance into the Indian Union because then why Maharaja had shown hesitation in acceding to the Union, despite his speech in tilak celebration. Bhopal Nawab attempted to establish contacts with 16 states through aircrafts. He got success in Jodhpur case because it was surrounded by the vassals who were intended to join the state in Pakistan. It was pointed in an article of heroic warrior published in the press of Maharaja Sahib’s mother whereabouts that Pakistan was magnanimous to tenementary practice while Hindustan wanted to demolish it. Therefore, the vassals of palace liked Pakistan more than Hindustan which brought considerable infamy to Jodhpur principality. The plot which was drawn to stay away from the Hindustan Union, also mentioned that Sir Stafford Cripps would come to India, and he would establish the relation of the states directly with England. Many people were supposed to become foolish on this name. Also, other people were given edacity to stay independent from Pakistan side. Jodhpur’s temporary hitch was the collective result of all these. Even Jama Sahib received the message from Bhopal Nawab, but he rejected it. Message from Jodhpur was sent to Udaipur Maharaja, Maharana of which replied emphatically. The entrance of Jodhpur in the Union became the topic of debate even in the embassy lobby.

    Pistol on Menon

    On 9 August 1947, when V.P Menon took Maharaja Hanwant Singh to the Viceroy, then at the behest of the Viceroy, Menon agreed to give certain concessions to Maharaja. The Viceroy further asked Menon to take the sign from Maharaja on the instrument of accession and left to meet the delegations of Hyderabad. In the absence of the Viceroy, Maharaja took out a pistol and said to Menon that he “would shoot him like a dog if he betrayed the people of Jodhpur.” However at last, Maharaja signed the accession. According to Menon, after signing the acceptance, Hanwant Singh pointed the pistol towards Menon and said, “I refuse to take your dictations.”

    Menon replied that if he thought that by killing him or threatening him, he would cancel the accession, then it would be his big mistake. He also added to stop behaving in this childish manner. Meanwhile, Mountbatten returned. Menon explained him the whole episode. Mountbatten tried to ease the serious situation and started joking. Till then, the mood of Jodhpur king became normal. Later, Menon went to leave Maharaja at his residence.

    Mosley quoted : On the Viceroy’s explanation, when Maharaja of Jodhpur gave his assent on the integration of his state with India, then the Viceroy, while expressing glee, lauded both Maharaja and Menon. In this way, the whole episode ended happily. At that very moment, the Viceroy had to leave for some work. As soon as he left, Maharaja pulled the pistol and threatened to shoot Menon. Maharaja denied following Menon’s orders. Menon answered him courageously that he had miscalculated the things that by killing him, he would get more concessions. Maharaja should stop behaving like a child. On this, Maharaja laughed aloud and put the pistol aside. When Mountbatten came, Menon explained how Maharaja threatened to kill him. Mountbatten told Maharaja softly that it was not a fun time and asked him when he would sign the accession.

    The portrayal of Lapierre and Collins, and Mosley's description is so much alike. In the opinion of Lapierre and Collins: the Viceroy asked Maharaja not to join with Pakistan and assured him that he and Menon would request Patel to take care of his conveniences. The Viceroy left the place, and Maharaja took out a fountain pen which he had prepared specially for himself. After signing the Instrument of Accession, as he opened the cap of the pen, a pistol came out of it and was pointed at Menon's head. Maharaja blamed Menon for whatever happened. Fortunately, Mountbatten came there freely. He wrested the pistol from Maharaja. Onkar Singh accounts that Maharaja had a small pen-pistol instead of the revolver, which he had himself made. With this pen, he signed the accession. After signing the acceptance, Maharaja said Menon jokingly that he could even shoot him with this pen. Menon got scared. Maharaja laughed plentifully on this. When Maharaja explained him about the pen which could work as a pistol also, then Menon became bewildered. At that time, Mountbatten entered the room. He took the whole episode as humor. Maharaja Hanwant Singh had mentioned these facts to Onkar Singh in November 1947. Maharaja gave this pen to Lord Mountbatten. Mountbatten took it to London and gifted it to be kept in the Magic Circle Museum of London. This pen-pistol is still present in London.

    Menon on his knees

    According to Mosley, three days after the meeting of Maharaja Hanwant Singh with Mountbatten, V.P Menon came to Jodhpur to get the signature of Maharaja on the accession. Hanwant Singh drank alcohol and made Menon drink it too. He also arranged a dance show for Menon. Maharaja became intoxicated and said throwing his turban on the ground that Menon won the game, and he lost it. However, Menon took the Maharaja’s signature despite being intoxicated. Maharaja used his aircraft to leave Menon to Delhi. Caring the signed accession safely in his hand, Menon came out of the plane staggeringly. Thus, he saved Jodhpur from acceding to Pakistan. Crawling on his knees, he came out of the aircraft at Delhi airport, but he had held the documents between his fingers through which Jodhpur state was integrated into India. Menon visited Jodhpur only for one time on 28 February 1948 and that too for the matter regarding the dispute over the construction of the responsive government between Public Council and Maharaja. Menon brought his wife along and stayed that night in Jodhpur. Maharaja had arranged wine and music for Menon’s reception. The officials of the state drunk the wine but Menon and Maharaja didn’t. Menon was not fond of classical music, and so the music was stopped at the behest of Maharaja. The next day, Maharaja had to visit Maulasar village to give gold, palanquin, “siropav” to the leading members of Gajadhar Somani family. Therefore, he did not go to Delhi to escort Menon.

    Signature by Maharaja on the Instrument of Accession

    The date of signature by Maharaja Hanwant Singh, shown on the accession, does not match the claims of Menon and the Viceroy. In line with different types of reports sent by the Viceroy and written documents by Menon, Hanwant Singh met the Viceroy on 9 August and during that meeting, the accession was signed while, the date of signature is written 11 August on the accession. Status quo agreement, engaged with it, has a signature of the Prime Minister of Jodhpur, C.S Venkatachar, who was not present in Delhi on 9 August at the time of the meeting of Viceroy and Maharaja. Date ‘‘11 August’’ appears to be correct as there is no reason seen on the fact to mention “11 August” on the accession while signing it on “9 August.” On 11 August 1947, V.P Menon informed Maharaja through a letter that the answer to the issues raised by Maharaja during the talks with Sardar Patel would be sent.

    Tharparkar Case

    There was a centuries-old district of “Sodha Rajput” named “Umerkot” in Sindh. Before the advent of the Mughals to India to the making of an agreement by the East India Company, Umerkot area was the part of Jodhpur state. But it was given to the British Government under the treaty, almost a century ago until India’s Independence. Jodhpur Maharaja Umed Singh sought to retrieve it but was unsuccessful. When the plan of India’s division was accepted, then a delegation of the Sodha Rajputs of Sindh requested Maharaja Hanwant Singh to try to merge Tharparkar district of Sindh Province to Jodhpur state, India. Hanwant Singh wrote and asked the Viceroy to return Umerkot to Jodhpur, but the Viceroy refused to consider this topic by saying that the days of the division and independence were near, and all the disputes of the border were pending under Radcliffe Commission; thus nothing could be further done in this matter.

    Sodha Rajputs wrote a letter to the Central Government in this matter and sent the copies of it to Nehru, stating that their language and culture were quite similar with that of Marwar state. Their most martial relationships had been employed with their state. Therefore, their state should be merged into Jodhpur state. The All India Hindu Convention also supported the demand of Sodha. It requested to divide Sindh Province into two parts based on the Hindu majority, and to integrate a chunk of the Nawabshah, Hyderabad, Tharparkar and Karachi district into Jodhpur state. The Provincial Congress of Sindh had also supported the demand. The President of the Sindh Provincial Government, Dr. Choitram Gidwani appealed to the Indian Government that since the Hindus were in the majority in Tharparkar district, thus it was legitimate to integrate it into Jodhpur. Maharaja Hanwant Singh talked to many politicians, but no one except Shyam Prasad Mukherji took an interest in it. Mukherji was in the minority in the Central Cabinet, therefore their efforts broke no ground.

    Independence Day Celebration in Jodhpur

    Independence Day was celebrated on 15 August 1947 in two places in Jodhpur. One was celebrated in Girdikot in which 40,000 people gathered. The Chairman of the Municipality, Dwarka Das Purohit hoisted the flag. Another celebration, on the behalf of the state government, was led by Maharaja Hanwant Singh. Maharaja gave salvo to the tricolor and oversaw the parade. On that occasion, Maharaja was given 51 artillery salvos. He did not deliver any speech. While giving a salute to the flag at the stadium ground, his silence raised many questions. In sky blue-hued turban, Maharaja saluted the parade. In Marwar, sky blue is the color of death. The Congress officials, Champal Joshi, and Jaswant Raj questioned Maharaja on not wearing saffron colored turban that day. Maharaja answered that the rule of 36 generations had ended for him; that day was a day of mourning. In Bali, sugar was demanded from Hakim to distribute ladoos (sweets) to kids in the school on the occasion of the Independence Day but, he refused to give it. The Hakim and his officials did not celebrate the Independence Day. Only the public celebrated it.


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  • How Did Pakistan Emerge-5

     22.07.2017
    How Did Pakistan Emerge-5

    Junagadh Chronicles

    Situated in the Kathiawar area of Gujarat, Junagadh state was founded by Mughal soldier, Sher Khan Babi in 1735. It had an area of 3337 sq.m. Its population numbered 670719, of them 80-90% being Hindus but the rulers were Muslim. The last ruling of the state was Sir Muhammad Mahabat Khanji III Rasul Khanji, who became the ruler at the age of 11. He studied at the Mayo College in Ajmer. He was known for his love of dogs and hunt of lions. He owned over hundreds of dogs. Once, he had spent a large amount of money on the marriage of his dog and proclaimed the day as a state holiday.

    In 1947, a senior leader of the Muslim League, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto was invited from Karachi to hold the position of Dewan of Junagadh. He threatened Junagadh Nawab to kill his dogs and nationalize lions if Junagadh merged into India and assured him that he (the Nawab) could keep his dogs safe in Pakistan and freely hunt the lions. Junagadh Nawab was persuaded by Bhutto and understood the fact that although Junagadh was surrounded by Hindu states, the southern and the south-western border of the state met the Arabian Sea, which could become a plus point for Junagadh to merge into Pakistan. However, in reality, Junagadh adjoined Pakistan by 240 miles sea. All the same, insane Nawab agreed to merge with Pakistan instead of India. He did not consider that 80% of the state population was Hindus, and was almost entirely bounded by Hindu states, which were already merged in India.

    After the Viceroy’s meeting of 25 July 1947 in Delhi, when the Indian Government sent the Instrument of Accession to the Nawab, he did not sign the accession and published the announcement of his accession in the following communiqué:

    The Government of Junagadh has during the past few weeks faced the problem of making its choice between accession to the Dominion of India and accession to the Dominion of Pakistan. It has had to take into very careful consideration every aspect of this problem. Its main pre-occupation has been to adopt a course that would, in the long run, make the largest contribution towards the permanent welfare and prosperity of the people of Junagadh and help to preserve the integrity of the State and to safeguard its independence and autonomy over the largest possible field. After anxious consideration and careful balancing of all factors the Government of the State has decided to accede to Pakistan and hereby announces its decision to that effect. The State is confident that its decision will be welcomed by all loyal subjects of the State who have its real welfare and prosperity at heart.


    The announcement came as a new surprise to Sardar Patel. It was an open challenge for Sardar Patel. Such announcement by Junagadh Nawab had ensued chaos among the public, due to which they went against the Nawab and established a separate government. Indian Government sent a telegram to Liaquat Ali Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan, requesting to reject the accession of Junagadh. Lord Mountbatten sent this telegram through Chief of the Governor, Lord Ismay to Karachi. Liaquat Ali Khan refused to take any notice of the telegram carried by Lord Ismay because the concerned Minister Nehru had refused to sign the telegram. On 13 September 1947, the Pakistan Government announced to accept the decision of Junagadh Nawab and to consider Junagadh as a part of Pakistan. This announcement by Pakistan was the violation of the agreement settled between the Congress and the Muslim League, according to which all the states bounded by Indian border would integrate in India. After the announcement of the accession of Junagadh to Pakistan was accepted by Pakistan, the soldiers of Nawab Muhammad Mahabat Khanji started to pester the Hindus of Junagadh so that majority of Hindu would flee from Junagadh.

    Junagadh was surrounded by several small Hindu states. Nawab disposed of his armies in the state with the aim to occupy these small states. He also sought assistance from the Government of India. Mountbatten suggested that this issue should be referred to the United Nations; otherwise this issue would eventually lead to a war between India and Pakistan. Sardar Patel did not like Mountbatten’s idea. He wanted to teach Junagadh a lesson in order to give Hyderabad and Kashmir a challenge. On 24 September 1947, the Government of India instructed the Kathiawar Defense Force to take actions against Junagadh. The Indian Army was then dispersed around Junagadh. A few days later, when the army of Junagadh was short on logistics, then the Indian Army moved ahead. Junagadh people welcomed the Indian army.

    On 24 October 1947, the Nawab flew to Pakistan, accompanied by his three begums and few dogs. He wanted to take all of his begums and dogs along, but one of his begum and several dogs were left behind. He also took with him all his jewels and gems. He and his family settled down in Karachi. On 9 November 1947, the Indian Army took over Junagadh. On 20 February 1948, the Government of India held a plebiscite in which over 2 lakh population participated and 99 % of it showed their inclination toward the accession to India. On 17 November 1959, Nawab Muhammad Mahabat Khanji died. Nawab of Junagadh, Shah Nawaz Bhutto also went to Pakistan where he was given a huge land in Karachi.

    Hyderabad Annals

    Until 15 August 1947, Hyderabad was the second state which resisted merging into India. Hyderabad was established in 1720 by Mughal Subedar, Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was conferred with the title of Nizam-Ul-Mulk, after which the ruler of Hyderabad came to be known as the Nizam. He entered into a subsidiary alliance with the East India Company. He used to receive 21 artilleries salvo. At the time when independence was rolling around, the area of Hyderabad was 2,14,190 sq. km. It was the largest and the most prosperous state in all princely state in India. It was as large as France. The population of the state was nearly 1,63,40,000. The terrain, currently present in Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh was located in Hyderabad.

    Like Junagadh, the ruler of Hyderabad was Muslim, but 85% of the populace was Hindu. It was surrounded by Indian borders from all sides. The last ruler of Hyderabad, Nizam Osman Ali Khan, had 28 sons and 44 daughters. He had a whim of collecting gold and diamonds. He was considered as the richest ruler of the country. The Nizam presumed democratic regime a polluted system and believed in the divine powers of the kings. All the officials of his government were under his control, and equally greedy and clever like Nizam. All the jobs were kept reserved for Muslims.

    In the year 1947, a legislative assembly was formed in Hyderabad where 48 seats were kept reserved for Muslims and 38 for Hindus so that any law could not be framed which could go against the rights of Muslim subjects. The Legislative Assembly was so empowered that even the Nizam himself could not reduce the rights of Muslim subjects. The Nizam had great confidence in the large terrain of his state, abundant wealth, successive generations of relationship with the British rulers and the large army. Therefore, he wanted to recognize Hyderabad with an independent sovereignty instead of acceding it to India and Pakistan.

    The Nizam believed that he would be able to succeed in establishing Hyderabad an autonomous based on the treaties signed with the East India Company and the British Crown from time to time. When Lord Atlee Government made a clear announcement on 15 March 1946, to accept the Indian’s right of self-determination, since then he began to make efforts to extend recognition to his state of an independent nation. The Nizam considered Lord Mountbatten, his close friend and believed that he would help the Nizam in securing recognition of a dominion nation to Hyderabad independent of Pakistan or India.

    On seeing Hyderabad in this type of impishness, Sardar Patel said that Hyderabad was like an ulcer in the stomach of India. The Nizam wrote a letter to the Viceroy Mountbatten on 9 June 1947 expressing his grievances on seeing the clause 7 in the newspaper. He was upset with the way things happened over the past months that only the political leaders were used to be involved in the official issues, not the representatives of the states. He mentioned that not only did the clause annulled the treaties and engagements made with the Government of Britishers but also implied that if Hyderabad refused to join either of India or Pakistan, then it could not become a part of British Common Wealth.

    The treaties based on which the Government of Britishers promised to protect his interests and nation against terrorist attacks, had always been appreciated. Sir Stafford Cripps’s promise was prime. He had faith in the British troops and their promises. He was even ready to discontinue the manufacturing of the weapons and extending his troops. Despite all, the bill was passed without consulting his government. He further added that when Mountbatten was in England, he demanded the dominion status for his state.

    He had always felt that at least he would be allowed in the Common Wealth without any questioning for the sake of the friendship of more than a century in which he had almost given his faith and confidence to the Britishers. Now that also seems to be denied. He still hoped that any differences would not affect his relations with the British Government. On the question of the Dominion status, Lord Mountbatten replied to the Nizam that due to geographical reasons, Hyderabad could not be granted a Dominion status. Since Hyderabad lay at the central position in the country; it could become a threat to the unity and integrity of the country. In the view of the British Government, there was only one way for Hyderabad that it should join India. However, the officials of the Political Department of the Government of India, guided by the officials of Hyderabad and Conrad Corfield, advised the Nawab not to follow the Viceroy’s advice.

    On 7 August 1947, the Congress, at the behest of Sardar Patel, started a Satyagraha movement in Hyderabad. The Nizam encouraged the hardcore communal Muslim Razakars along with the police to strictly crush the movement. Due to which the movement turned violent brawl. At the same time, a powerful peasant struggle led by the Communists also took place in Telangana. On Lord Mountbatten’s persuasion, in November 1947, the Nizam signed the standstill Agreement with India providing for continuation of post-office, telegraph, railway, road transport and business with India.

    He was not, however, able to contemplate acceding Hyderabad in the Indian Union. Along with this, he was encouraging staunch communal Muslim Razakars in his state. He also assured the Razakars that the Britishers would support them in their revolt. Fueled by the Nizam, the Muslim fanatical organization Ittehad-Ul-Muslimeen and its paramilitary Razakars had started terrorizing and committing horrendous activities on the Hindu majority of the state and forced them to leave the state. The peace and order of the state was disturbed. The railway lines and roads passing through the state were damaged; Hindus were looted in the buses and trains. The situation became worst of all.

    The civilian leader of the Razakars, Kasim Razvi threatened the Government of India that he would unfurl Asaf Jahi flag on the Red fort in Delhi, winning over the whole of India. Later the activities were escalated to massive violence. Countless Hindus were killed; their properties were looted and destroyed. Mountbatten, Sardar Patel, V.P Menon mediated some efforts to convince the Nizam but by that time, the situation had gone out of control. The Razakars and hardcore Mullah-Maulvi were encouraged Muslim people to carry out riots in the state on the communal lines. Sardar Patel, V.P Menon remained silent until Mountbatten returned to England. Two months after when Mountbatten returned in June 1948, the Nizam announced his willingness to accept Mountbatten’s plan in September 1948.

    On 13 September 1948, Patel answered him that it was now too late to accept the plan. At that time, Nehru was on tour to Europe and Sardar Patel was working as the Prime Minister. Therefore, he commanded the army to disperse suitably in the state of Hyderabad that day. This action was then termed as “Operation Polo.” The Indian Army, led by Major-General Jayanto Nath Chaudhri entered the state. In five days of operation, the Indian army crushed the resistance of the Razakars. Thousands of Razakars were killed. The dead bodies of Razakars were seen lying all over in the state. On 17 September 1948, Commander-General of Hyderabad, E.I Andrews surrendered to General Chaudhry of Secunderabad. Thus only five days of police operations led Hyderabad annexed to India. Neither bomb was exploded nor did any revolution occur, just as it was threatened. On 18 September, Major-General took the post of Commander General of Hyderabad. Hyderabad was integrated into the Indian Union.

    Compulsively, the Nizam had to accept the new system. Sardar Patel treated him with respect. The Nizam was allowed to remain as the titular head of Hyderabad. Later, when the states were reorganized then Hyderabad was broken down, and its areas were integrated into Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra Provinces.

    Kashmir Conundrum

    The ruler of Kashmir, Maharaja Hari Singh decided to remain autocrat and refused to join India or Pakistan. In September 1947, when Pakistan attacked Kashmir, then Sardar Patel expressed a desire to send the troops immediately to save Kashmir. However, Jawaharlal Nehru and Lord Mountbatten opposed Patel’s desire stating that until Maharaja showed his willingness to accede to India, no troops should be sent to Kashmir. There on, Patel tried to rescue Srinagar and Baramula Pass. Taking Defense Minister Baldev Singh in confidence, Patel engaged Indian security forces at Kashmir’s border in Indian areas in such a way that forces could be sent immediately to the battle zone areas. He also took the charge of constructing the road connecting Srinagar to Panthkot.

    Sardar Patel was not in favor of taking this issue to the United Nations but, on Mountbatten’s advice, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru took this issue to the United Nations. On 1 January 1948, India complained against Pakistan to the Security Council that the armed raiders had attacked Kashmir and Pakistan was assisting them in both direct and indirect ways. The attack has disturbed the international peace and order. Therefore, Pakistan should be called upon to withdraw their army and raiders should be asked not to give military aid to them. Also, this proceeding by Pakistan should be considered as an invasion to India.

    On 15 January 1948, Pakistan rejected the charges made by India to the Security Council. Putting allegations of “bad faith” on India, Pakistan stated that the accession of Jammu-Kashmir to India was just unconstitutional, and it could not be validated. The Security Council formed a committee of five nations to deal with the issue and asked it to address and resolve the issue between India and Pakistan. The United Nations Commission came to Kashmir to oversee the scene. On 13 August 1948, prolonged negotiations between both the parties took place on several resolutions passed by the commission providing for cessation of hostilities and settlement of the disputes. At last, on 1 January 1949, a ceasefire came into effect. It was also decided that the final decision would be made through a plebiscite. For this, an American citizen, Chester Nimitz was appointed as plebiscite administrator, but Pakistan did not comply with the terms of resolutions and finally the plebiscite could not be held.

    Nimitz resigned from his post. The issue of Kashmir was badly messed up at the UNO. Sardar Patel got angry with Jawaharlal Nehru. Later in 1965, once again a war broke out between India and Pakistan over Kashmir; and Pakistan captured a sizable chunk of Kashmir’s terrain. A large part of Kashmir is still under the control of Pakistan.

    Bhopal Memoirs

    The Bhopal state was founded by one of Emperor Aurangzeb’s Afghan soldier Dost Mohammed Khan in 1726. At the time of independence, Nawab of Bhopal was Hamidullah Khan, who ascended the throne in 1926. He was chosen twice as the chancellor of the Chamber of Princes (Narender Mandal) in 1931 and 1944. He also became the chancellor of Chamber of the Princes at the time of India’s independence. He did not intend to join India at any cost. He along with Jinnah encouraged most of the princely states to announce their desire to accede to Pakistan or remain independent. Out of rage, most of the rulers abandoned the Chamber of Princes, due to which, the Nawab had to resign from his post and the Chamber of Princes got disbanded. Jinnah invited Hamidullah Khan to visit Pakistan and to accept the position of General Secretary.

    On 13 September 1947, Hamidullah Khan proposed to his daughter Abida to be the ruler of the state so that he could go to Pakistan. Abida refused to obey her father’s wish. In March 1948, Hamidullah Khan chose to remain independent. In May 1948, the Nawab appointed a cabinet of the Government of Bhopal, who’s Prime Minister was Chaturayana Malviya. Sardar Patel and V. P Menon were continuously pressurizing Hamidullah Khan to announce his accession to India. Even the Prime Minister Chaturayana Malviya was in favor of joining Bhopal to India. The people of Bhopal also wanted to merge the state to India. In October 1948, the Nawab went to Hajj. In December 1948, large scale chaos occurred in the state over the issue of annexation. Thakur Lal Singh, Shankar Dayal Sharma, Bhairon Prasad and Uddhavdas were held hostages by the Government of Bhopal. On 23 January 1949, V.P. Menon arrived at Bhopal once again and told the officials of Bhopal that Bhopal could no longer continue to stay as an independent state.

    On 29 January 1949, the Nawab took the charge in his hand, sacking the cabinet. Pandit Chatur Narayana Malviya undertook fast for 21 days. On Patel’s instruction, V.P Menon stayed at Lal Kothi and monitored the status of the state. On 30 April 1949, eventually, the Nawab signed the accession of Bhopal with India. Sardar Patel wrote a letter to the Nawab, expressing his disappointment that Nawab did not use his skills and abilities for India at the time when the country needed it the most. Finally, the day of 1 June 1949 marked the unification of Bhopal with India. Chief Commissioner, N.B Banerji appointed by the central shouldered the responsibility. The Nawab was given a privy purse of worth 1.1 million rupees annually.

    Is peace still a mystery?

    Ever since the duo parted away, peace became a mystery. Although we have come a long way from 1947, the Kashmir dispute is still the same as it was earlier at the time of independence. Pakistan has been targeting Kashmir since independence. It attacked India first in 1948, then in 1965, and after that in 1999. A large area of Kashmir is still under the control of Pakistan.

    In 1971, when West Pakistan invaded East Pakistan, then India had to enter between them to evacuate innocent Bangladeshi. India saved the life of millions by sending the “Mukti Bahini” and officially divided Pakistan into two. The division led to the conflict between India and Pakistan. Due to this, India has been facing cross-border terrorism over the last several decades, in which thousands of innocent people and Indian soldiers have become victims of it. We are at that stage of civilization from where we have to write a story afresh but unfortunately, Pakistan has been pushing our mounting steps backward.

    Home to political killings:

    Pakistan Pakistan is home to political killings and death in suspicious circumstances. Few months after Pakistan came into existence, their first Governor General Muhammad Ali Jinnah died out of TB. In 1951, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan died. Following the demise of Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan, Yahya Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, Benazir Bhutto and other Pakistani leaders died through the terrorist activities, political assassinations, and executions.

    Disappearance of Hindus

    When Pakistan was born, there were 20 % Hindus among the total population of Pakistan which is now reduced to 2%. The extinction of such large number of Hindu population is the most terrible tragedy of this century. Very few of them have managed to flee to India from Pakistan.


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  • इण्डोनेशिया की यात्रा

     20.08.2017
    इण्डोनेशिया की यात्रा

    इण्डोनेशिया की यात्रा

    अप्रेल 2017 के तीसरे एवं चौथे सप्ताह में प्राचीन हिन्दू मंदिरों के दर्शनों की लालसा में हमारे परिवार ने इण्डोनेशिया गणराज्य के दो द्वीपों- बाली तथा जावा की यात्रा की। इस दौरान हमें देनपासार, उबुद, मेंगवी, कुता, जोग्यकार्ता तथा जकार्ता आदि नगरों का भ्रमण करने का अवसर मिला। हमने सुन रखा था कि बाली और जावा द्वीपों पर सैंकड़ों साल पुराने कुछ ऐसे हिन्दू तथा बौद्ध मंदिर स्थित हैं जिनका निर्माण देवताओं द्वारा किया गया। ये देवता किसी अन्य ग्रह से आए हुए परग्रही जीव रहे होंगे जिनकी तकनीक तथा शिल्प उस काल के इंसानों की तकनीक तथा शिल्प की तुलना में अत्यंत उच्च कोटि की रही होगी। तभी वे सैंकड़ों की संख्या वाले हिन्दू मंदिरों के समूह तथा विश्व के सबसे बड़े पिरामिडीय रचना वाले बौद्ध मंदिरों का निर्माण कर पाये। हमने इन मंदिरों को देखने की लालसा में इण्डोनेशिया भ्रमण का कार्यक्रम बनाया था।

    इण्डोनेशिया निश्चित ही एक सुंदर देश है जो भारतीयों को अपनी वैविध्यपूर्ण हिन्दू संस्कृति तथा सुन्दर समुद्री तटों के कारण आकर्षित करता है। हमने इसे एक धार्मिक यात्रा की तरह आरम्भ किया किंतु शीघ्र ही हमारी यह यात्रा ऐतिहासिक एवं सांस्कृतिक तथ्यों की खोजपूर्ण यात्रा में बदल गई तथा एक-एक करके बहुत से रहस्यों पर से आवरण हटाने वाली सिद्ध हुई। जैसे-जैसे हम अपनी यात्रा पर आगे बढ़ते गये, नए-नए रहस्यों पर से पर्दा उठता गया। कुछ ही दिनों में हमने समझ लिया कि हमने प्राचीन हिन्दू मंदिरों के दर्शनों की लालसा में, अनजाने में ही बाली द्वीप के रूप में सात समुद्रों के बीच एक रहस्यमय किंतु निर्धन भारत के अवशेषों को खोज निकाला है। एक ऐसा निर्धन भारत जहाँ गाय नहीं है, गंगाजी नहीं हैं, गेहूं नहीं है। दूध, घी, दही, छाछ, रोटी, सोगरा, ढोकला, दाल-बाटी कुछ भी नहीं है। स्वाभाविक है कि ऐसा देश नितांत निर्धन ही हो सकता है।

    यह सचमुच एक रहस्यमय निर्धन भारत है जो अपने समस्त प्राचीन वैभव को खोकर और अपने वास्तविक स्वरूप को भूलकर सांस्कृतिक प्रदूषण की आंधी के झौंकों में संघर्ष कर रहा है। बाली द्वीप पर भले ही आज भी 85-90 प्रतिशत हिन्दू रहते हैं किंतु जावा द्वीप पर 90 प्रतिशत लोग इस्लाम स्वीकार कर चुके हैं। इण्डोनेशिया के सबसे बड़े द्वीप सुमात्रा में भी मुसलमानों की जनसंख्या की यही स्थिति है जिसका परिणाम यह है कि आज इण्डोनेशिया संसार का सबसे बड़ा मुस्लिम देश है तथा इस देश की 90 प्रतिशत जनसंख्या मुसलमान है। हिन्दुओं का छोटा सा दीपक बाली देश के रूप में टिमटिमा रहा है। इस सच्चाई के बीच बाली और जावा द्वीपों के हिन्दू और बौद्ध धर्मस्थलों को देखना कम रोमांचक नहीं है।

    इण्डोनेशिया के मुसलमानों और भारत के मुसलमानों में भी सांस्कृतिक भिन्नता है। इस भिन्नता को देखना और समझना काफी रोचक है। इण्डोनेशिया के मुसलमानों ने यूनेस्को की सहायता से हिन्दू और बौद्ध मंदिरों को धरती में से खोज निकाला है और फिर से खड़ा करके पुनर्जीवित करने का प्रयास किया है। इण्डोनेशिया के नगरों एवं द्वीपों में मुख्य चौराहों पर भवनों के सामने, हिन्दू देवी-देवताओं की मूर्तियों को बड़ी शान से दिखाया जाता है। इण्डोनेशियाई समाज हजारों साल से स्त्री प्रधान रहा है। आज भी इण्डोनेशियाई समाज इस विशेषता से सम्पन्न है। यही कारण है कि वहाँ की औरतें बुरका, हिजाब आदि नहीं पहनतीं। वे आधुनिक संसार का प्रतिनिधित्व करती हैं और अपनी हजारों साल पुरानी संस्कृति पर गौरव करती हैं। एक ऐसी संस्कृति जो इस्लाम का हिस्सा नहीं है, अपितु इण्डोनेशियाई समाज के इतिहास और गौवमयी अतीत का हिस्सा है।

    हमारे अनुभव, नितान्त हमारे अपने हैं किंतु अपने इन अनुभवों को सार्वजनिक करना इसलिए आवश्यक हो गया ताकि भारत के लोग भी समुद्रों के बीच बसने वाले एक और निर्धन भारत की सच्चाई एवं त्रासदी को जान सकें। इस निर्धन भारत की यात्रा से पहले हमें इसके भौगोलिक एवं ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों को संक्षेप में जान लेना आवश्यक है। इसलिए पुस्तक के आरम्भ में उन्हें भी समुचित स्थान दिय गया है। आज से प्रतिदिन राजस्थान हिस्ट्री डॉट कॉम पर इस पुस्तक के अंश धारावाहिक के रूप में प्रकाशित किए जाएंगे जिनका लिंक फेसबुक, ट्विटर, लिंकडन तथा गूगल प्लस पर भी दिया जाएगा। यह पुस्तक इसी माह के अंत तक बाजार में हार्डबुक के रूप में भी उपलब्ध हो जाएगी। आशा है, पाठकों को यह पुस्तक पसंद आएगी।

    शुभम्।

    - डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता




    सिमट रहा है हिन्दू धर्म



    अत्यंत प्राचीन काल से भारतीय ऋषि-मुनि मानव मात्र को सुखी बनाने के उद्देश्य से धरती के विभिन्न द्वीपों और दूरस्थ देशों की यात्रा करके अहिंसा, प्रेम, सद्भाव एवं शांति का संदेश देते आए हैं जिसे भारतीय संस्कृति कहा जाता है। यह भारतीय संस्कृति ईसाई धर्म तथा इस्लाम के प्रादुर्भाव से सैंकड़ों साल पूर्व ही, विश्व के अनेक द्वीपों, प्रायद्वीपों एवं महाद्वीपों में फैल गई थी। भारतीय संस्कृति को दूसरे देशों में ले जाने वाले उपदेशक हिन्दू धर्म तथा बौद्ध धर्म के प्रचारकों के रूप में नहीं गए थे। वे धरती पर ज्ञान का प्रकाश उत्पन्न करने तथा मुनष्यों को हिंसा का मार्ग त्यागकर प्रेम से रहने का उपदेश देने के उद्देश्य से गए थे, बाद में इन्हें हिन्दू धर्म तथा बौद्ध धर्म का प्रचारक कहकर उनके योगदान को कम करके आंकने का प्रयास किया गया। आज से लगभग 2000 साल पहले ईसाई धर्म तथा 1400 साल पहले इस्लाम के प्रादुर्भाव के पश्चात्, पूरी धरती से हिन्दू धर्म तेजी से समाप्त हुआ है।

    चीन, जापान, वियतनाम, थाइलैण्ड तथा बर्मा आदि अनेकानेक एशियाई देशों में बौद्ध धर्म का प्रचार हो जाने से बौद्ध धर्म का उतना ह्रास नहीं हुआ जबकि हिन्दू धर्म सैंकड़ों द्वीपों और देशों में दम तोड़ चुका है। भारत के अतिरिक्त केवल नेपाल देश तथा इण्डोनेशिया के बाली द्वीप में ही हिन्दुओं का बड़ी संख्या में अधिवास है। भारत को आपातकाल में ई.1976 में 42वें संविधान संशोधन से धर्म-निरपेक्ष देश घोषित किया गया। धर्म-निरपेक्ष बनने वाला यह संसार का पहला देश था। हाल ही के दशकों में नेपाल में चीन ने जिस प्रबलता के साथ साम्यवाद का आक्रमण किया, उसके प्रभाव में आकर नेपाल धर्मनिरपेक्ष राष्ट्र घोषित हो गया। संसार में इन दो देशों के अतिरिक्त और कहीं भी धर्मनिरपेक्ष राष्ट्रीय व्यवस्था नहीं पाई जाती। बाली के हिन्दू जिस देश के निवासी हैं, उस देश में 90 प्रतिशत मुस्लिम जनसंख्या रहती है।

    विश्व के मानचित्र पर हिन्दू हर तरह से नष्ट हो रहे हैं, जनसंख्या से लेकर संस्कृति तक सब कुछ समाप्त हो रहा है किंतु हिन्दू जाति मदांध होकर सोई हुई है। ई.1947 में पाकिस्तान में 20 प्रतिशत हिन्दू थे जो आज केवल 2-3 प्रतिशत रह गए हैं। बांगलादेश में भी हिन्दुओं को बलपूर्वक मुसलमान बनाया गया है, उनकी लड़कियों से बलपूर्वक विवाह किया जा रहा है, उनके घरों को जलाया जा रहा है। यहाँ तक कि पश्चिमी बंगाल में भी ऐसी घटनाएं पिछले कुछ वर्षों में देखने का मिली हैं। केरल, काश्मीर, आसाम में भी हिन्दू जाति का अस्तित्व मिट रहा है। वोटों की राजनीति के समक्ष सब-कुछ समर्पित किया जा रहा है। भारत के अतिरिक्त अन्य देशों में हिन्दुओं की क्या स्थिति है, इसे देखा और समझा जाना आवश्यक है।


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  • हिन्दुत्व की छाया में इण्डोनेशिया - 1 इण्डोनेशिया का इतिहास - 1

     20.08.2017
    हिन्दुत्व की छाया में इण्डोनेशिया - 1  इण्डोनेशिया का इतिहास - 1

    हिन्दुत्व की छाया में इण्डोनेशिया - 1

    इण्डोनेशिया का इतिहास - 1



    इण्डोनेशिया गणराज्य, दीपान्तर अर्थात् पार-महा-द्वीपीय (ट्रांसकॉन्टीनेन्टल) देश है जो दक्षिण-पूर्व एशिया और ओशिनिया (उष्णकटिबन्धीय प्रशान्त महासागर के द्वीप) क्षेत्रों में स्थित है। भारतीय पुराणों में इसे ''द्वीपान्तर भारत'' अर्थात् समुद्र-पार-भारत कहा गया है। इसी कारण यूरोपीय इतिहासकारों एवं यात्रियों ने इसे इण्डोनेशिया कहा जो ''इण्डिया इन एशिया'' की ध्वनि देता है। इण्डोनेशिया के निवासियों ने बाद में यही नाम अपना लिया। डचों द्वारा शासित औपनिवेशिक काल में इस द्वीप समूह को ईस्ट-इण्डीज कहा जाता था।

    वर्तमान में इण्डोनेशिया गणराज्य, दक्षिण-पूर्व एशिया का सबसे बड़ा देश है। इसकी स्थलीय सीमाएं पापुआ न्यू गिनी, पूर्वी तिमोर और मलेशिया (पुराना नाम मलाया) के साथ मिलती हैं, जबकि इसकी जलीय सीमाओं पर सिंगापुर, फिलीपींस, ऑस्ट्रेलिया तथा भारत के अंडमान और निकोबार द्वीप समूह की जलीय सीमाएं स्थित हैं। यह संसार का एकमात्र देश है जो 17,508 द्वीपों में विस्तृत है। इनमें से बहुत से द्वीपों के नाम तक नहीं रखे गए हैं। हाल ही में यूएनओ ने इण्डोनेशिया से उसके द्वीपों की सूची, उनके नाम सहित मांगी थी।

    इण्डोनेशिया गणराज्य की जनसंख्या लगभग 23 करोड़ है। यह विश्व का चौथा सर्वाधिक जनसंख्या वाला एवं विश्व का सर्वाधिक मुस्लिम जनसंख्या वाला देश है। इंडोनेशिया में 2 हजार से अधिक सांस्कृतिक समूहों के लोग निवास करते हैं। इन द्वीपों के अति प्राचीन इतिहास के कुछ साक्ष्य चीन देश के साहित्यिक संदर्भो में मिलते हैं। भूगोलविदों, इतिहासकारों, वैज्ञानिकों एवं प्राचीन भारतीय साहित्य के अनुसार ईस्ट-इण्डीज द्वीप किसी समय एशिया से लेकर ऑस्ट्रेलिया तक जुड़े हुए थे। बाद में भूगर्भीय हलचलों के कारण टूट-टूट कर अर्द्धचंद्राकार आकृति में बिखर गए। इनमें से जावा, सुमात्रा, बाली तथा बोर्नियो बड़े द्वीप हैं, इनकी तुलना में अन्य द्वीप काफी छोटे हैं।

    भारतीय पौराणिक साहित्य के संदर्भ इण्डोनेशियाई द्वीपों से भारत का सम्बन्ध रामकथा के काल से भी पहले ले जाते हैं। उस काल में भारत की भौगोलिक सीमाएं जम्बूद्वीप (भारत) से लेकर सिंहल द्वीप (श्रीलंका), स्याम (थाइलैण्ड), यवद्वीप (जावा), स्वर्णद्वीप (सुमात्रा), मलय द्वीप (मलेशिया), शंखद्वीप (बोर्नियो), बाली तथा आंध्रालय (ऑस्ट्रेलिया) तक थीं। मलय द्वीप अथवा मलाया को अब मलेशिया कहते हैं, काम्बोज, कम्बोडिया (कम्पूचिया) के नाम से अलग देश है। उस काल के चम्पा राज्य के द्वीप वर्तमान में वियेतनाम और कम्बोडिया (कम्पूचिया) में बंट गए हैं। यहाँ आज भी संस्कृत भाषा व्यवहार में लाई जाती है।

    उस काल में भारत के राजा दूर-दूर के समुद्री द्वीपों पर अधिकार कर लेते थे। इनमें कुशद्वीप (अफ्रीका) तथा वाराहद्वीप (मेडागास्कर) प्रमुख हैं। रामकथा से पहले से लेकर सातवीं शताब्दी ईस्वी में इस्लाम का उदय होने तक इनमें से अधिकांश द्वीप भारत का हिस्सा थे तथा यहाँ की जनता हिन्दू थी। मेडागास्कर अब अफ्रीका महाद्वीप के दक्षिण-पूर्व में समुद्र के बीच स्थित एक विशाल द्वीप है तथा अलग राष्ट्र है।

    वाल्मीकि रामायण में सप्तद्वीपों का वर्णन

    वाल्मीकि रामायण में लिखा है- 'यत्रवन्तो यवद्वीपः सप्तराज्योपशोभितः।।' अर्थात् यवद्वीप में सात राज्य हैं। निश्चित रूप से उस काल में यवद्वीप (जावा), भारत की मुख्य भूमि के पर्याप्त निकट रहा होगा। इसके निकटवर्ती समुद्री क्षेत्र में अन्य द्वीप होंगे जिनमें से छः-सात द्वीप मानव-बस्तियों की उपस्थिति की दृष्टि से प्रमुख रहे होंगे।

    वायुपुराण के छः द्वीप

    वायुपुराण के एक श्लोक में कहा गया है- 'अंगद्वीपं, यवद्वीपं, मलयद्वीपं, शंखद्वीपं, कुशद्वीपं वराहद्वीपमेव च।। एवं षडेषे कथिता अनुद्वीपाः समन्ततः। भारतं द्वीपदेशो वै दक्षिणे बहुविस्तरः।।' अर्थात्- अंग द्वीप, यव द्वीप, मलय द्वीप, शंख द्वीप, कुश द्वीप तथा वराह द्वीप आदि, भारतवर्ष के अनुद्वीप हैं जो दक्षिण की ओर दूर तक फैले हुए हैं। इस काल में बाली द्वीप भी इन्हीं द्वीपों की शृंखला में गिना जाता था जहाँ भारतीय आर्यों की बस्तियां थीं और जहाँ मनुस्मृति के आधार पर सामाजिक एवं न्याय व्यवस्था स्थापित थी।

    लंका के सम्बन्ध में पौराणिक मान्यताएं

    लंका को आजकल सीलोन कहा जाता है जो कि सिंहल का अपभ्रंश है। पौराणिक काल में लंका को सिंहल द्वीप भी कहा जाता था। पौराणिक काल में लंका का आशय जिस द्वीप से होता था, उसमें मलय एवं सुमात्रा की भूमि भी सम्मिलित थी। ब्रह्माण्ड पुराण कहता है- 'तथैव मलयद्वीपमेवमेव सुसंवृतम्। नित्यप्रमुदिता स्फीता लंकानाम महापुरी।' इस श्लोक से ज्ञात होता है कि ब्रह्माण्ड पुराण के रचना काल में मलयद्वीप लंका के ठीक निकट उसी प्रकार स्थित रहा होगा जिस प्रकार आज लंका, भारत के निकट है। सुमात्रा द्वीप पर आज भी सोनी-लंका नामक एक स्थान है जो सुमात्रा के उत्तर-पूर्व वाले पर्वत के निकट समुद्र तट पर स्थित है। इस स्थान पर अत्धिक मात्रा में सुवर्ण उपलब्ध था। इस स्वर्ण की प्राप्ति पहले यक्षों ने और बाद में राक्षसों द्वारा की गई।

    नारद खण्ड में लिखा है- 'भविष्यन्ति काले कालि दरिद्राः नृपमानवः तेऽत्र स्वर्णस्य लोभेन देवतादर्शनाय च।। नित्यं चैवागमिष्यन्ति त्यक्त्वा रक्षः कृत भयम्।' अर्थात् कलियुग में राजा-प्रजा दरिद्री हो जाएंगे, इसलिए यहां लोभ के कारण नित्य ही आया करेंगे। लंका के राजा रावण का नाना सुमाली, अपने राक्षसों को भगवान विष्णु के संहार से बचाने के लिए, लंका छोड़कर पाताल में जाकर रहने लगा। यह पाताल जावा-सुमात्रा-बाली आदि द्वीप समूह का कोई द्वीप होना अनुमानित किया जाता है। इस घटना के सही समय के बारे में यद्यपि अलग-अलग मान्यताएं हैं। आचार्य चतुरसेन ने इस विषय पर श्रमसाध्य शोध किया था। उनके अनुसार यह घटना आज से लगभग सात हजार साल पहले हुई।

    इन द्वीपों पर रामकथा के प्रसंगों वाली हजारों साल पुरानी प्रतिमाएं मिलती हैं। सुमात्रा द्वीप को भारतीय पौराणिक साहित्य में सुवर्ण द्वीप तथा अंगद्वीप कहा गया है जहाँ स्वर्ण के विशाल भण्डार उपलब्ध थे। यक्ष जाति के लोगों ने अपना स्वर्ण, स्वर्णद्वीप (इसे अंगद्वीप भी कहते थे) से लाकर सिंहल द्वीप (लंका) में रखा था। यक्षों का राजा कुबेर इस धन की रक्षा करता था। राक्षसों के राजा रावण का बचपन ऑस्टेलिया में व्यतीत हुआ था जो तब आंध्रालय कहलाता था। रावण ने आन्ध्रालय से आकर लंका पर चढ़ाई की तथा लंका के राजा कुबेर को परास्त करके सोने की लंका पर अधिकार कर लिया तथा उसका पुष्पक विमान भी छीन लिया। इसके बाद राक्षस पुनः लंका में रहने लगे। कुबेर और रावण, दोनों ही विश्रवा के पुत्र थे। बाली एवं जावा द्वीपों पर आज भी राक्षसों की तरह दिखाई देने वाली मूर्तियां यत्र-तत्र दिखाई देती हैं। बाली द्वीप पर राक्षस जैसी दिखने वाली विशालाकाय मूर्तियों का बड़ा संग्रहालय है। इन मूर्तियों की उपस्थिति भारतीय पौराणिक साहित्य में वर्णित राक्षसों के इन द्वीपों से सम्बन्ध की पुष्टि करती हैं।

    जावा द्वीप का प्रारम्भिक इतिहास

    भारतीय संस्कृत साहित्य में इस द्वीप का उल्लेख यवद्वीप के नाम से हुआ है जहाँ चावल एवं स्वर्ण प्रचुर मात्रा में उपलब्ध था। चीनी संदर्भों के अनुसार जावा में लगभग 2 शताब्दी ईस्वी पूर्व में भारतीय लोग पहुंच चुके थे। ये लोग भारत के कलिंग राज्य से आए थे।

    डॉ. क्रोम नामक डच पुरातत्ववेत्ता के अनुसार हिन्दुओं के जावा पहुचंने से पहले ही जावा के लोग चावल की खेती करते थे। वे मछली पकड़ने, कपड़ा बुनने, वाद्ययंत्र बजाने, ज्योतिष जानने आदि कलाओं को जानते थे।

    जब भारतीय हिन्दू यहाँ पहुंचे तो यहाँ के लोगों ने हिन्दू विश्वासों एवं संस्कृति को अपना लिया और जावा की पुरानी संस्कृृति भी उसमें घुल-मिल गई। दूसरी शताब्दी ईस्वी के आरम्भ में हिन्दू राजा देववर्मन ने जावा द्वीप पर प्रबल हिन्दू राज्य की स्थापना की जो चौथी-पांचवी शताब्दी ईस्वी तक फलता-फूलता रहा। चीनी यात्री फाह्यान 400 शताब्दी ईस्वी में भारत आया था। जब वह ई. 412 में श्रीलंका होता हुआ समुद्र के रास्ते से चीन लौट रहा था, तब उसका जहाज समुद्रों में भटक गया तथा लगभग 100 दिनों तक समुद्री लहरों पर हिचकोले खाता हुआ जावा द्वीप पर पहुंचा। इस द्वीप पर उसने वैदिक एवं शैव धर्र्मों को मानने वाले लोगों को निवास करते हुए पाया।

    गुप्तकाल में जावा एवं अन्य ईस्ट-इण्डीज द्वीपों पर भारतीय राजाओं का प्रसार

    भारत में ई. 320 से 495 तक गुप्तवंश के राजाओं का शासन रहा जिसे भारतीय इतिहास का स्वर्णकाल कहा जाता है। उस काल में बौद्ध धर्म की जगह वैष्णव धर्म का उन्नयन किया गया। उस काल में सुमात्रा, जावा, बाली, बोर्नियो, चम्पा, कम्बोडिया, मलाया तथा मलक्का आदि द्वीपों में भारतीय भाषा, साहित्य तथा शिक्षा का खूब प्रचार हुआ। इन द्वीपों में नए सिरे से हिन्दू राज्यों की स्थापना हुई। जावा की एक अनुश्रुति के अनुसार इस काल में गुजरात के एक राजकुमार ने कई हजार मनुष्यों के साथ समुद्र पार कर जावा में उपनिवेश की स्थापना की।

    गुप्त काल में ताम्रलिप्ति बंगाल का प्रसिद्ध बन्दरगाह था। उत्तरी भारत का सारा व्यापार इसी बन्दरगाह द्वारा चीन, बर्मा तथा पूर्वी-द्वीप-समूह से होता था। इन देशों के साथ दक्षिण-भारत के राज्यों से भी व्यापार होता था। यह व्यापार गोदावरी तथा कृष्णा नदियों के मुहानों पर स्थित बन्दरगाहों के द्वारा होता था। इस प्रकार गुप्तकाल में पूर्वी द्वीप समूहों के साथ भारत के घनिष्ठ राजनीतिक, सांस्कृतिक एवं व्यापारिक सम्बन्ध स्थापित हुए। इन द्वीपों में भारतीय सामाजिक प्रथाओं, धर्म, कला तथा शासन पद्धति का अनुसरण होने लगा।

    डॉ. अल्तेकर ने लिखा है- 'यदि एक ओर भारत और दूसरी ओर चीन के बीच कोई सांस्कृतिक एकता विद्यमान है और यदि मूल्यवान स्मारक, जो भारत की संस्कृति के गौरव के मूक साक्षी हैं, समस्त इंडोचीन (विएतनाम), जावा, सुमात्रा तथा बोर्निया में विकीर्ण परिलक्षित होते हैं तो इसका श्रेय गुप्तकाल को ही प्राप्त है, जिसने भारतीय संस्कृति को बाहर विस्तारित करने की प्रेरणा प्रदान की।'

    जावा में शैलेन्द्र राजवंश का उदय (मेदांग राज्य)

    चौथी शताब्दी ईस्वी में जब भारत में गुप्त राजाओं का राज्य विस्तार पा रहा था, जावा द्वीप पर शैलेन्द्र राजवंश की स्थापना हुई। यह राज्य मलाया (मलेशिया), सुमात्रा, जावा, बाली तथा बोर्नियो द्वीपों पर विस्तृत था। मलाया में उससे पहले भी हिन्दू बस्तियां थीं किंतु उनके राजनीतिक स्वरूप की जानकारी नहीं मिलती है। शैलेन्द्र साम्राज्य 11वीं शताब्दी ईस्वी तक चलता रहा। दक्षिण भारत के चोल साम्राज्य के राजा राजेन्द्र चोल ने 11वीं शताब्दी ईस्वी में इण्डोनेशिया के शैलेन्द्र राजवंश का अंत कर दिया।

    चोल राजा दक्षिण भारत से हजारों किलोमीटर दूर के क्षेत्र पर मजबूती से नियंत्रण स्थापित नहीं कर पाए। इसलिए 12वीं शताब्दी में एक बार पुनः शैलेन्द्र राजवंश ने अपनी सत्ता विस्तृत कर ली। शैलेन्द्र राजवंश के राजा बौद्ध धर्म के अनुयायी हो गए थे। इसलिए उन्होंने जावा में कई बौद्ध मंदिरों एवं विहारों का निर्माण करवाया। उनके द्वारा निर्मित सर्वाधिक महत्वपूर्ण बौद्ध मठ नालंदा कहलाता था तथा सर्वाधिक महत्वपूर्ण विहार नागपट्टनम कहलाता था। ये दोनों स्थान जावा द्वीप में थे। शैलेन्द्र राजवंश ने चंडी कालासन (कालासन मंदिर) तथा बोरोबुदुर बौद्ध विहार का भी निर्माण करवाया।

    कुछ शिलालेखों से प्रमाणित हुआ है कि जावा का शैलेन्द्र राज-परिवार प्राचीन मलाया भाषा का प्रयोग करता था। यह भाषा इस बात का प्रमाण है कि शैलेन्द्र राज-परिवार जावा में आने से पहले सुमात्रा द्वीप पर शासन करता था तथा यह श्रीविजय राजवंश से सम्बन्धित था। उसने मध्य जावा के स्थानीय शासकों को परास्त करके जावा द्वीप पर अधिकार किया। उन्होंने माताराम राज्य के संजय राजवंश को अपना जागीरदार बना लिया। शैलेन्द्रों की सत्ता का केन्द्र दक्षिण केडू था जो मगेलांग के निकट स्थित था। वर्तमान में यह योग्यकार्ता के उत्तर में स्थित है।

    शैलेन्द्र राजवंश आरम्भ में शैव मत का अनुयायी था किंतु बाद में राजा संखरा (राकाई पनरबन अथवा पनंगकरन) द्वारा महायान बौद्ध धर्म स्वीकार कर लिए जाने के बाद बौद्ध हो गया था। राजा संखरा के शिलालेख, सोजोमेर्तो शिलालेख एवं चरित परह्यंगान ग्रंथ के के अनुसार परवर्ती काल के शैलेन्द्र राजा पनंगकरन के वंशज, बौद्ध धर्म की महायान शाखा के अनुयायी बने रहे। वे समरतुंग के शासन के अंत तक बौद्ध धर्म को राजकीय प्रश्रय देते रहे। सोजोमेर्तो शिलालेख अब उपलब्ध नहीं है।

    सुंदा राज्य (पश्चिमी जावा)

    सुंदा राज्य, पश्चिम जावा में स्थित हिन्दू राज्य था जिसकी स्थापना ई.669 में हुई। वर्तमान जकार्ता, पश्चिमी जावा, मध्य जावा का पश्चिमी भाग तथा बान्टेन इसी सुंदा राज्य में स्थित थे। ''बुजंग्गा माकिन'' पाण्डुलिपि के अनुसार सुंदा राज्य की पूर्वी सीमा का निर्माण पामाली नदी नामक नदी करती थी जिसे अब ब्रेब्स नदी कहा जाता है। मध्य जावा में इसकी सीमा में सारायू नामक नदी बहती थी। ई.1579 में इस राज्य को मध्य जावा के मुस्लिम शासकों ने नष्ट कर दिया।

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