शारदा बेचैन है। बार-बार करवटें बदल रही है। थोड़ी-थोड़ी देर में बाहर जाकर देख आती है, कितनी रात बाकी रही है। झौंपड़े में सन्नाटा है। पास में ही उसका पति मदन बेसुध होकर सोया पड़ा है। दिन भर की हाड़तोड़ मेहनत के बाद, शाम को खाना कम और दारू ज्यादा। इसके बाद पूरा झौंपड़ा कच्ची शराब की गंध से भर जाता है। शारदा को कच्ची दारू की गंध तनिक भी नहीं भाती किंतु पिछले पच्चीस सालों से इस तेज गंध को झेलते रहने के कारण अब उसे इस गंध से उतनी परेशानी नहीं होती जितनी उन दिनों में होती थी, जब वह ब्याह के बाद इस झौंपड़े में आई थी।
एक कौने में चारों बच्चे बेखबर सोये पड़े हैं, अपने बाप की ही तरह पूरा शरीर बिखेरकर। गहरी नींद में किसी को खबर नहीं कि हाथ कहां है और पैर किधर। तीसरे कोने में श्वसुर का भी वही हाल है। उसका शरीर भी दारू के कारण जर्जर हो रहा है। हाथ पैर कांपते हैं, जबान लड़खड़ाती है, टीबी का मरीज है किंतु दारू पिये बिना गुजर नहीं।
शारदा उठकर झौंपड़े से बाहर आती है। सचमुच आज की रात उसके लिये काफी लम्बी है। चंद्रमा जरूर अपने स्थान से थोड़ा हिला है किंतु तारे तो वहीं की वहीं, अड़े हुए हैं। शारदा झौंपड़े के बाहर पत्थर पर बैठ जाती है। कौन जाने कल का दिन उसके मन की मुराद पूरी करने वाला ही हो! उसके दिल में उम्मीद बंधती है....... किंतु आज तक तो जीवन में ऐसा कुछ नहीं हुआ जिसे देखकर यह लग सके कि उसके मन की मुराद पूरी भी हो सकती है......... किंतु ग्रामसेवक स्वयं आकर शारदा के दस्तखत लेकर गया है और कहकर गया है कि कल पंचायत समिति में आ जाना तुम्हें पक्का मकान बनाने के लिये पचास हजार रुपये मिलेंगे। मकान में पक्का शौचालय बनाने के लिये बत्तीस सौ रुपये अलग से मिलेंगे। खुद मंत्रीजी जयपुर से चलाकर आयेंगे, गरीबों को चैक देने।
शारदा फिर आश्वस्त होती है। यदि मंत्रीजी आये तो अवश्य ही पचास हजार रुपये का चैक मिल जायेगा। कब से शारदा के मन में यह आस है कि उसके बच्चों के सिर पर उनकी अपनी पक्की छत हो। शारदा का श्वसुर भीखाराम गांव की गलियों में झाड़ू लगाते-लगाते बूढ़े हो गया किंतु परिवार को पक्की छत तो दूर, कभी झौंपड़े के लिये नया तिरपाल भी नसीब नहीं हुआ जो बरसात में झौंपड़े को टपकने से रोक सके।
शारदा का पति मदन भी जिंदगी भर हाड़ तोड़ मेहनत के बाद कभी पक्की छत का सपना नहीं देख सका। सपना देखता भी कैसे, वह तो जो कुछ भी कमाता था, हर शाम दारू की भेंट चढ़ जाता था। आज से तीन साल पहले इंदिरा आवास योजना में जब शारदा का नाम आया था तब शारदा को कुछ आस बंधी थी कि देर सबेर ही सही किंतु उसे पक्का मकान बनाने के लिये रुपये मिल जायेंगे किंतु जिस गति से पिछले तीन सालों में सूची में नाम आगे सरक रहे थे, उससे उसकी आस बार-बार कमजोर पड़ जाती थी। जब वह गांव के लोगों के मुँह से सुनती कि इस सूची में लिखे नामों को मकान मिलने में बीस-बाईस साल लग जायेंगे तो उसका रहा-सहा धैर्य जवाब दे जाता।
कभी-कभी निराश होकर वह अपने घास-फूस के झौंपड़े में गूदड़ी में मुँह छिपाकर रो पड़ती....... किंतु इन आंसुओं की इस बेरहम संसार में कोई कीमत नहीं थी........... कीमत होना तो दूर, इन आंसुओं को कोई देखने वाला तक न था........करे तो क्या करे ? जाये तो कहां जाये ? फूस की छत बरसात को रोक नहीं पाती। सर्दी की रातों में दांत किटकिटा जाते और गमियों की दुपहरी में झौंपड़े में लू बरबस घुस आती।
अब तो खैर बच्चे काफी बड़े हो गये किंतु जब बच्चे छोटे थे, तब वह काम के लिये मदन के साथ झौंपड़े से निकलती तो उसका कलेजा किसी अनहोनी की आशंका से कांपता रहता। आये दिन वह सुनती कि झौंपड़ी में बच्चे और बकरियां जल मरे तो उसका कलेजा मुँह को आ जाता। फिर भी उसे अपने छोटे बच्चों को झौंपड़ी में बिना किसी सहारे के छोड़कर, मजदूरी करने पति के साथ जाना ही पड़ता।
कुछ दिन पहले उसने सुना कि सरकार गांवों के गरीब लोगों को मकान बनाने के लिये रुपया देगी तो मन के किसी कोने में आशा का अंकुर एक बार फिर फूट पड़ा था। उसने इधर-उधर पूछताछ की। सरपंच साहब ने बताया कि हाँ उन्होंने भी अखबार में पढ़ा है कि सरकार राज्य के गरीब लोगों को मकान बनाने के लिये चौंतीस सौ करोड़ रुपये का कर्ज लेगी। इस कर्ज से राज्य में रह रहे गरीबों के लिये दस लाख मकान बनाये जायेंगे। कर्ज का नाम सुनकर शारदा एक बार फिर मुरझा गई। कर्ज लेंगे तो चुकायेंगे कैसे ? किंतु जब सरपंच साहब ने बताया कि यह कर्जा सरकार स्वयं चुकायेगी, गरीबों को नहीं चुकाना पड़ेगा तो शारदा की जान में जान आई। यह एक ऐसी सूचना थी जिसे सुनकर शारदा का दिल बल्लियों उछल गया।
कुछ दिन और बीते। गांव के लोगों में यह चर्चा आम हो गई कि सरकार गरीबों को मकान बनाने के लिये पचास हजार रुपया देगी। शारदा भी इस चर्चा को सुनती और आकाश की ओर देखकर मन ही मन परमात्मा से प्रार्थना करती कि हे भगवान, यह खबर सच्ची निकले। इसमें किसी तरह की दूसरी बात पैदा नहीं हो। पहले भी कितनी ही बार उसने इस तरह की बातें सुनी थीं किंतु वे केवल बातें ही बनकर रह गई थीं। कहीं इस बार फिर किस्मत उसी तरह धोखा न दे जाये। उसके मन में डर घर कर गया था।
आखिर वो दिन भी आया जब ग्रामसेवक उसका फार्म भरवाने और बैंक में खाता खुलवाने के लिये आया। श्वसुर भीखाराम ने हाथ जोड़कर उसका अभिवादन किया था।
-‘शारदा कहां है ?’ ग्रामसेवक ने भीखाराम से पूछा था। ग्रामसेवक के मुँह से अपना नाम सुनकर शारदा के कान खड़े हो गये थे।
-‘झौंपड़े में ही है, क्यों ? भीखाराम ने उलटकर सवाल किया था।
-‘कागज घर की औरत के नाम बनेंगे। ग्रामसेवक ने कहा।
-‘औरत के नाम क्यों ?’ शारदा के श्वसुर भीखाराम ने गुस्से से पूछा था।
-‘औरत के नाम इसलिये ताकि मरद उस मकान को बेचकर दारू न पी जायें।’ ग्राम सेवक ने हँसकर जवाब दिया था।
-‘दारू! मैं दारू कहां पीता हूँ!’ भीखाराम ने आदत के अुनसार जवाब दिया था। श्वसुर का जवाब सुनकर शारदा को हँसी आ गई थी।
-‘हाँ, मुझे पता है, तू दारू नहीं पीता। इस गांव में कोई दारू नहीं पीता।’ ग्रामसेवक ने भी हँसकर जवाब दिया था जिसे सुनकर भीखाराम भी झैंप गया था।
-‘लेकिन घर का मालिक तो मरद ही होता है, क्या सरकार अब औरतों को घर का मालिक बनायेगी ?
-‘ यदि मरद यू हीं दारू पीते रहे तो एक दिन सारे घरों की मालिक औरतें हो जायेंगी। चल शारदा, अंगूठा लगा।’ ग्रामसेवक ने मुँह बिगाड़कर जवाब दिया।
शारदा को मानो अब भी अपनी किस्मत पर विश्वास नहीं आया था। जाने क्यों उसकी आंखों से रुलाई फूट पड़ी। इस संसार में जब आदमी फूटी हुई किस्मत लेकर आता है तो उसे चारों ओर से धक्के ही खाने पड़ते हैं। इसलिये उसे किसी अच्छी बात पर जल्दी से विश्वास भी नहीं होता। शारदा का अब तक का अनुभव तो ऐसा ही रहा था। अब तो फार्म भी भरा जा चुका था। खाता भी खुल गया था। फिर भी शारदा के मन में आशंका बनी रही।
वह रोज ही पंचायत के दफ्तर जा पहुंचती- ‘कब आयेंगे, हमारे मकान बनाने के पैसे।’
-‘हाँ जरूर आ जायेंगे। सरकार ने हडको से साढ़े तीन सौ करोड़ रुपये उधार लिये हैं। तीन सालों के भीतर-भीतर दस लाख मकान बनेंगे।’
-‘तीन सालों में !’ शारदा अधीर हो उठती।
-‘हाँ, तीन सालों में।’ इतना कह कर ग्राम सेवक अपने काम में लग जाता।
शारदा फिर डर जाती। कौन जाने तीन साल में सरकार का सारा रुपया खतम हो जाये और मेरा नम्बर ही नहीं आये। वह मन ही मन चिंता करती। आखिर शारदा की किस्मत जागी। सारी प्रार्थनायें काम आ गईं और आज शाम को उसके श्वसुर खुशखबरी लेकर आये- ‘बीडीओ साहब की खबर आई है। मकान के कागज और चैक लेने पंचायत समिति चलना है।’
शारदा को एकाएक विश्वास नहीं हुआ। उसे तीन साल क्या, तीन महीने भी प्रतीक्षा नहीं करनी पड़ी थी। एक दिन की मजदूरी तो मारी जायेगी किंतु यदि वास्तव में मकान बनाने के लिये मंत्रीजी ने पचास हजार रुपये का चैक दे दिया तो उसके मन की साध पूरी हो जायेगी। यही सोच-सोच कर आज शारदा को नींद नहीं आ रही।
काफी देर तक वह यूं ही पत्थर पर बैठी रही। चंद्रमा अपने स्थान से थोड़ा और हिल गया। झौंपड़े में सन्नाटा था। गांव की सुनसान गलियों में कुत्तों के भौंकने की आवाज जरूर उस सन्नाटे को भेद जाती थी। जाने कब उसी पत्थर पर बैठे-बैठे उसे झपकी आ गई। उसने देखा कि वह अपने पति और श्वसुर के साथ पंचायत समिति में खड़ी है। मंत्रीजी उसे पचास हजार रुपये का चैक थमा रहे हैं। अचानक श्वसुर ने शारदा के हाथ से वह चैक छीन लिया है। शारदा हक्की-बक्की खड़ी है। श्वसुर कह रहे हैं, ला मुझे दे! तू क्या करेगी इस चैक का ?
शारदा से कुछ जवाब न बन पड़ा। बीडीओ साहब ने श्वसुर के हाथों से चैक लेकर फिर से शारदा को दे दिया है। बीडीओ साहब भीखाराम पर बिगड़ रहे हैं। यह चैक तेरे काम का नहीं है। इसका पैसा केवल शारदा को मिल सकता है। श्वसुर के चेहरे पर बेबसी के भाव हैं। शारदा ने चैक मोड़कर ब्लाउज में रख लिया है।
देख शारदा, इस चैक को बैंक में जमा करवा देना। थोड़ा-थोड़ा करके रुपया निकालना और अपना मकान बनाना। इन दोनों को मत देना, न अपने पति को, न अपने श्वसुर को। ये तो इस रुपये को दारू में उड़ा देंगे। शारदा चुप है।
-‘नहीं मालिक। हम दारू नहीं पियेंगे। इन पैसों से हमारे बच्चों के सिर पर पक्की छत ही बनेगी। मदन और भीखाराम हाथ जोड़कर बीडीओ साहब से कह रहे हैं।
-‘और हमारा क्या ?’ शारदा के हाथ से किसी ने चैक फिर से छीन लिया है। चैक तो उसने ब्लाउज में रखा था, फिर से हाथ में कैसे आ गया ? शारदा सोचती है, और चैक छीनने वाले की तरफ देखती है।
-‘अरे ग्राम सेवकजी! ये क्या कर रहे हैं, लाइये चैक मुझे दीजिये। ये मेरा चैक है, इससे मेरे बच्चों का घर बनेगा।’ शारदा बिफर पड़ती है।
-‘ध्यान से देख बावळी! मैं ग्राम सेवक नहीं हूँ।’ चैक छीनने वाला हँसता है।
-‘अरे हाँ, आप तो सरपंचजी हैं। माफ करो मालिक। ये चैक मुझे दे दो।’ शारदा हाथ जोड़ती है।
-‘बावळी हो गई है। मैं तुझे सरपंच दिखाई देता हूँ ?’ चैक छीनने वाला चैक हवा में लहराता है। बीडीओ साहब उसके हाथ से चैक लेकर फिर से शारदा को देते हैं।
-‘जा घर चली जा। यहाँ कोई छीन लेगा।’ बीडीओ साहब स्नेह से शारदा के सिर पर हाथ रखते हैं। शारदा खुशी से रो पड़ती है। चैक फिर से उसके हाथ में आ गया है।
अचानक दृश्य बदल गया है। शारदा अपने झौंपड़े के सामाने खड़ी है। नहीं-नहीं झौंपड़ा नहीं, मकान के सामने खड़ी है। यह तो शारदा का ही मकान है जिस पर पक्की छत दूर से ही चमक रही है।
-‘ऐ........यहां कहां बैठकर सो रही है ?’ किसी ने झिंझोड़कर उठाया।
शारदा ने आंखें खोलीं तो देखा कि दिन निकल आया है। उसका पति मदन उसे झिंझोड़कर उठा रहा है। वहां न कोई सरपंच है, न बीडीओ साहब हैं। वह तो अपने झौंपड़े के बाहर बैठी है। पूरी रात वह इस पत्थर पर बैठी सोती रही है।
-‘अरे! इतना दिन निकल आया ? पंचायत समिति भी तो जाना है।’ शारदा ने हड़बड़ाकर कहा और पत्थर से उठ खड़ी हुई।
किसी भी प्रदेश की जलवायु का उसकी संस्कृति पर विशिष्ट प्रभाव होता है। वहाँ के खान-पान से लेकर वस्त्र विन्यास, भवनों की बनावट एवं सजावट, संगीत, नृत्य, तीज-त्यौहार तक अर्थात् संस्कृति के हर अंग पर उस क्षेत्र की जलवायु की गहरी छाप होती है। अतः राजस्थान की अनूठी पर्यावरणीय संस्कृति को समझने के लिये यहाँ के विशिष्ट जलवायु को समझना आवश्यक है।
किसी भी प्रदेश के मौसम की औसत दशाओं को जलवायु कहा जाता है। मौसमी दशाओं में किसी क्षेत्र का तापमान, वायुदाब, वर्षा, आर्द्रता आदि सम्मिलित किये जाते हैं। मौसमी दशाओं का निर्माण उस क्षेत्र की अक्षांशीय स्थिति, समुद्र तट से दूरी, समुद्र तल से ऊँचाई, धरातलीय स्वरूप, जलीय भागों की स्थिति, वायु दिशा एवं गति आदि से निर्धारित होता है। सामान्यतः समुद्र तल से लगभग 300 फुट ऊपर जाने पर तापमान में 1 सेंटीग्रेड की गिरावट आती है। राजस्थान की जलवायु मानसूनी है। इस कारण सर्दी, गर्मी तथा वर्षा की अलग-अलग ऋतुएँ होती हैं। गर्मी की ऋतु सबसे बड़ी, सर्दी की उससे छोटी और वर्षा की ऋतु सबसे छोटी होती है।
मुख्य ऋतुएँ
(1) ग्रीष्म ऋतु : राजस्थान में ग्रीष्म ऋतु में तेज गर्मी पड़ती है। पश्चिमी एवं मध्य राजस्थान में दिन का तापमान 40 से 48 सेंटीग्रेड तक पहुँच जाता है। गर्म हवायें चलती हैं जिन्हें लू कहते हैं। इस कारण वातावरण में आर्द्रता 1 प्रतिशत से भी कम रह जाती है। ग्रीष्म ऋतु मार्च से आरंभ होकर जून-जुलाई तक चलती है। मई-जून माह सर्वाधिक गर्म होते हैं। मरुस्थलीय जिलों में रातें प्रायः शीतल एवं सुहावनी होती हैं। गर्मी के कारण पश्चिमी राजस्थान के भेड़-बकरी आदि पशु पानी की तलाश में कुछ समय के लिये मालवा क्षेत्र के लिये प्रस्थान करते हैं। पश्चिमी राजस्थान में अप्रैल से जून तक तेज हवायें व आंधियां चलती हैं। इनकी अधिकतम गति 140 कि.मी. प्रति घंटा तक होती है। इनके मार्ग में वृक्षों की कमी होने से करोड़ों टन मिट्टी हवा के साथ बहकर एक स्थान से दूसरे स्थान पर चली जाती है। इससे मरुस्थलीकरण में वृद्धि होती है।
(2) वर्षा ऋतु : मध्य जून से वर्षा ऋतु आरंभ होती है जो मध्य सितम्बर तक चलती है। राज्य में वर्षा का औसत 575.1 मि.मी. है जिसका वितरण 185 मिमी से 950 मि.मी. के मध्य है। राज्य में होने वाली कुल वर्षा का 34 प्रतिशत जुलाई माह में तथा 33 प्रतिशत अगस्त माह में होता है। प्रदेश का पश्चिमी क्षेत्र एशिया के वर्षा रहित भागों के निकट स्थित है जिसके कारण वर्षा की मात्रा तथा अवधि कम होती है। बंगाल की खाड़ी से आने वाली दक्षिणी-पूर्वी मानसूनी हवाएं उत्तर पश्चिम की ओर बढ़ती हैं किंतु बीच में अरावली पर्वत माला द्वारा रोक ली जाती हैं जिससे प्रदेश के पूर्वी क्षेत्र में अधिक वर्षा होती है। पश्चिमी क्षेत्र में जो मानसून पहुँचता है उसे रोकने के लिये इस भाग में पर्याप्त उच्च पर्वत श्रृंखला नहीं है। इस कारण मानसूनी हवाओं से पश्चिमी क्षेत्र में प्रतिवर्ष औसतन 120 से 150 मि.मि. तक ही वर्षा होती है। जैसलमेर जिले में वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 185 मि.मि. है। दक्षिणी-पूर्वी राजस्थान में वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 600 मि.मि. से 950 मि.मि. तक है। बांसवाड़ा जिले में सर्वाधिक 950.3 मि.मि. वर्षा होती है। मई से सितम्बर तक तूफान आते हैं जिनमें तेज हवाओं के साथ तेज पानी बरसता है। ये तूफान पश्चिमी क्षेत्र की अपेक्षा दक्षिणी-पूर्वी प्रदेश में अधिक आते हैं। कभी-कभी ओलावृष्टि भी होती है। राजस्थान में प्रतिवर्ष औसतन 29 दिन वर्षा होती है। सर्वाधिक 40 दिन वर्षा झालावाड़ में, 38 दिन बांसवाड़ा में तथा सबसे कम 5 दिन जैसलमेर में होती है।
अधिकतम वर्षा वाले जिले : राज्य में सर्वाधिक वर्षा वाले जिले बांसवाड़ा (950.3 मि.मी.), बारां (873.8 मि.मी.), सवाईमाधोपुर (873.4 मि.मी.), झालावाड़ (844.3 मि.मी.), चित्तौड़गढ़ (841.5 मि.मी.) हैं।
न्यूनतम वर्षा वाले जिले : राज्य में न्यूनतम वर्षा वाले जिले जैसलमेर (185.5 मि.मी.), गंगानगर (226.4 मि.मी.), बीकानेर (243.0 मि.मी.), बाड़मेर (265.7 मि.मी.), हनुमानगढ़ (273.5 मि.मी.) हैं।
(3) शीत ऋतु : अक्टूबर से फरवरी तक सर्दियों का मौसम होता है। पश्चिमी राजस्थान में दक्षिण-पूर्वी राजस्थान की अपेक्षा अधिक सर्दी पड़ती है। रात्रि में तापमान दो से तीन डिग्री सेंटीग्रेड हो जाता है। दिसम्बर व जनवरी कठोर सर्दी के महीने होते हैं। राज्य के उत्तरी भाग में जनवरी माह का औसत तापमान 12 सेंटीग्रेड तथा दक्षिणी भाग में 16 सेंटीग्रेड रहता है। जनवरी माह में पश्चिमी विक्षोभों से राजस्थान मंं थोड़ी-बहुत वर्षा होती है, जिसे मावठ (मावट) कहते हैं।
राजस्थान के जलवायु प्रदेश
(1) शुष्क जलवायु प्रदेश : यह क्षेत्र थार रेगिस्तान का हिस्सा है। इसमें जैसलमेर जिला, बीकानेर जिले का पश्चिमी भाग, गंगानगर जिले का दक्षिणी भाग, बाड़मेर जिले का उत्तरी भाग, जोधपुर जिले की फलौदी तहसील का पश्चिमी भाग सम्मिलित है। यहाँ वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 100 मि.मी. से 200 मि.मी. के बीच रहता है। ग्रीष्म में औसत तापमान 32 से 36 सेंटीग्रेड रहता है।
(2) अर्द्धशुष्क जलवायु प्रदेश : इस क्षेत्र में वर्षा अनिश्चित, असमान तथा तूफानी होती है। वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 200 मि.मी. से 400 मि.मी. रहता है। ग्रीष्म ऋतु में तापमान 32 से 36 सेंटीग्रेड रहता है। इस क्षेत्र में श्रीगंगानगर, बीकानेर, बाड़मेर व जोधपुर का अधिकांश भाग, चूरू, सीकर, झुंझुनूं, पाली तथा नागौर जिले व जालोर का पश्चिमी भाग आता है।
(3) उपआर्द्र जलवायु प्रदेश : अलवर, जयपुर तथा अजमेर जिले, जालोर, सीकर, झुंझुनूं व पाली जिले के पूर्वी भाग तथा सिरोही, टोंक एवं भीलवाड़ा के उत्तरी पश्चिमी भाग इस क्षेत्र में स्थित हैं। इस क्षेत्र में वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 400 से 600 मि.मी. तक रहता है। ग्रीष्म ऋतु में औसत तापमान 28 से 34 सेंटीग्रेड रहता है।
(4) आर्द्र जलवायु प्रदेश : इस क्षेत्र में अच्छी वर्षा होती है, वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 600 से 800 मि.मी. तक होता है। गर्मी में औसत तापमान 32 से 34 सेंटीग्रेड तथा सर्दी में 14 से 17 सेंटीग्रेड रहता है। इस क्षेत्र में कोटा, बूंदी, सवाईमाधोपुर, धौलपुर, भरतपुर जिले, चित्तौड़गढ़ जिले का उत्तरी भाग एवं टोंक जिले का दक्षिण-पूर्वी क्षेत्र आता है।
(5) अति आर्द्र जलवायु प्रदेश : इस क्षेत्र में वर्षा का वार्षिक औसत 80 से 95 सेमी. तक है। ग्रीष्म ऋतु में भीषण गर्मी तथा शीतऋतु में कड़ाके की ठण्ड होती है। इस क्षेत्र में झालावाड़ एवं बांसवाड़ा जिले, उदयपुर जिले का दक्षिण-पश्चिमी भाग, कोटा जिले का दक्षिण पूर्वी भाग तथा आबू पर्वत के समीपवर्ती क्षेत्र आते हैं।
आर्यसमाज के प्रवर्तक स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती का जन्म ई.1824 में गुजरात में हुआ। राजस्थान में उनका प्रवेश आर्यसमाज की स्थापना से 10 वर्ष पूर्व अर्थात् ई.1865 में हुआ। ई.1865-66 में उन्होंने धौलपुर, करौली, जयपुर, अजमेर तथा पुष्कर आदि स्थानों का दौरा किया। मुंशी अमीनचंद जज ने उनका पहला प्रवचन गजमल लूनियां की हवेली में करवाया। ई.1875 में दयानंद सरस्वती ने मुम्बई में आर्यसमाज की स्थापना की तथा 'वेदों की ओर लौटो' का नारा दिया। ई.1878 में वे एक बार पुनः राजस्थान आये।
इस बार भी उन्होंने जयपुर, अजमेर तथा पुष्कर आदि स्थलों का भ्रमण किया। नौकरियों राजस्थान में अजमेर को आर्यसमाज की गतिविधियों का मुख्य केन्द्र बनाया। ई.1883 में तीसरे राजस्थान दौरे के अंत में वे जोधपुर गये जहाँ जसवंतसिंह की वेश्या नन्ही बाई ने स्वामीजी को विष दे दिया। स्वामीजी को जोधपुर से अजमेर लाया गया। उनके उपचार के प्रयत्न किये गये किंतु उन्हें बचाया नहीं जा सका।
मुराद अली ने चालाकी से काम लेते हुए, दयांनद सरस्वती की मृत्यु के बारे में लिखा है कि हिन्दू लोग उनसे सख्त नाराज थे। यहाँ तक कि जब अजमेर में उनका निधन हुआ तो उनकी शवयात्रा में तीन चार आदमियों के अतिरिक्त किसी ने हाथ नहीं लगाया। यद्यपि उदयपुर के महाराणा सज्जनसिंह, जोधपुर के प्रधानमंत्री प्रतापसिंह शाहपुरा के राजाधिराज नाहरसिंह उनके शिष्य थे, तथा लोगों के हृदय में उनकी शिक्षाओं का बीज बोया जा चुका था इसलिये उनके मरते ही अजमेर में आर्यसमाज के सैंकड़ों आदमी प्रकट हो गये।
कैसरगंज में आर्यसमाज का भवन बनाया गया तथा उस पर दयानंदी झण्डा फहराने लगा। मुरादअली की बातों में स्वयं ही विरोधाभास है। जब लोग दयानंद सरस्वती से इतने नाराज थे कि उनकी शव यात्रा में तीन-चार आदमियों ने ही भाग लिया तब यह कैसे संभव हुआ कि उनकी मृत्यु के बाद अजमेर में उनके सैंकड़ों अनुयायी प्रकट हो गये। वस्तुतः स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती के सिद्धांतों को उनके जीवन काल में ही पर्याप्त प्रसिद्धि मिल चुकी थी तथा अजमेर में उनके सैंकड़ों अनुयायी बन चुके थे।
आर्यसमाज अजमेर
ई.1882 में मुंशी मुन्नालाल ने आर्यसमाज अजमेर के तत्वावधान में अजमेर से देश हितैषी का प्रकाशन प्रारंभ किया। इस समाचार पत्र में बाल विवाह तथा विधवा विवाह की समस्याओं पर सामग्री प्रकाशित की गई। साथ ही प्रतापनारायण मिश्रा द्वारा देशदशा नामक आलेख प्रकाशित हुआ। ई.1888 में आर्य प्रतिनिधि सभा राजस्थान की स्थापना हुई। 13 फरवरी 1923 से इसने अपनी पत्रिका आर्य मार्तण्ड का प्रकाशन आरंभ किया। यह पत्रिका आर्यसमाज की धार्मिक, सांस्कृतिक तथा सामाजिक गतिविधियों की मुख्य ध्वजवाहक बन गई।
ई.1895 में आर्यसमाज अजमेर द्वारा अजमेर में श्री मध्यानंद अनाथालय की स्थापना की गई। ई.1903 से इस अनाथालाय द्वारा अनाथ रक्षक नामक मासिक पत्रिका आरम्भ की गई। इसका उद्देश्य स्त्रियों की दशा में सुधार लाना था। इसका उद्घोष इस प्रकार से था-
लाखों तुम्हारे लाल जाति के लूटे अभी जा रहे।
पर तुम नहीं कुछ सोचते गाढ़ निद्रा ले रहे।
द्रव्यवनो द्रव्य का उपयोग करना छोड़ दो
दीन अबला और अनाथों का हृदय से साथ दो।
ई.1904 में ईसाई पादरी डॉ. समरवैली ने आर्यसमाज की शिक्षाओं एवं उसके प्रभाव का प्रतिकार करने के लिये अपने चिकित्सालय में शाम के समय न्यू टेस्टामेंट क्लास आरंभ की। इसके विरोध में आर्यसमाज द्वारा अपनी संस्थाओं में भी सांध्यकालीन सत्र आरंभ किये गये जिनमें सांध्य कालीन हवन, मंत्रों का गायन एवं वैदिक ज्ञान की शिक्षा दी जाती थी। इन कक्षाओं में लड़कियों को भी प्रवेश दिया जाता था। ई.1929-30 में आर्यसमाज अजमेर ने बड़ी संख्या में विधवा विवाह करवाये। आर्य मार्तण्ड में प्रकाशित लेख अजमेर में विधवा विवाह की धूम में कहा गया कि अजमेर में इस वर्ष 41 विधवा विवाह करवाये गये।
आर्य स्त्री समाज, अजमेर
26 दिसम्बर 1904 को गुलाब देवी महेश्वरी तथा सिद्धा कंवर ने अजमेर में आर्य स्त्री समाज की स्थापना की। राजस्थान में आर्य स्त्री समाज की पहले पहल स्थापना अजमेर में ही हुई थी। आर्य स्त्री समाज द्वारा महिलाओं में धार्मिक जागृति लाने, नामकरण तथा जनेऊ संस्कार करने जैसी गतिविधियां चलाईं। इससे स्त्री समाज में सामाजिक बुराईयों के प्रति चेतना आई।
आर्यसमाज अजमेर ने विधवा एवं असहाय स्त्रियों की स्थिति में सुधार लाने के लिये 8 विधवा स्त्रियों के साथ दयानंद आश्रम के भीतर विधवा आश्रम की स्थापना की। इस विधवाश्रम में मुस्लिम विधवाओं को भी स्थान दिया गया। ई.1937 में विधवा आश्रम अजमेर द्वारा एक अंतर्जातीय विधवा विवाह आयोजित किया गया। इसमें वर ब्राह्मण जाति से था जबकि दुल्हन बलाई जाति से थी।
गुलाब देवी ने अपनी सहकर्मियों भंवरीदेवी, सिद्धा कंवर बाई, सुखदा देवी, पम्मी बारी आदि के साथ मिलकर अजमेर के आस पास के गांवों में शिविर लगाकर स्त्रियों को अक्षर ज्ञान करवाना आरंभ किया। जुलाई 1928 में कौशल्या देवी, सुभद्रा देवी एवं मनोरमा देवी ने अजमेर में पर्दा निवारक मण्डल की स्थापना की। मूल चंद अग्रवाल ने आर्य मार्तण्ड में 'पर्दा प्रथा अवैदिक है', शीर्षक से लेख लिखा जिसमें नौकरियों वैदिक श्लोकों का उदाहरण देते हुए कहा कि इनका अर्थ मुँह ढकना नहीं है।
बाल विवाह का विरोध
हर बिलास शारदा के नेतृत्व में आर्यसमाज अजमेर ने बाल विवाह का प्रबल विरोध किया। ई.1929 में उनकी प्रार्थना पर बाल विवाह निषेध एक्ट बना जिसे शारदा एक्ट भी कहा जाता है। इस एक्ट के अनुसार विवाह के समय लड़के की आयु कम से कम 18 साल तथा लड़की की आयु कम से कम 14 साल होनी अनिवार्य की गई।
आर्यसमाज द्वारा नवीन शिक्षण पद्धति की स्थापना
स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती आधुनिक भारत के प्रथम देशी शिक्षाविद् थे। उनकी शिक्षा पद्धति ने मनोवैज्ञानिक स्तर पर गहरी सफलता अर्जित की क्योंकि भारतीय शिक्षाविद एक आदर्श शिक्षा पद्धति को तलाश रहे थे। अंग्रेजी शिक्षा पद्धति में भारतीय संस्कृति को पूरी तरह नकार दिया गया था, उसके स्थान पर दयानंद सरस्वती ने पूरी तरह भारतीय संस्कृति पर आधारित शिक्षा पद्धति का विकास किया। आर्य समाजी शिक्षा पद्धति में जाति और नस्ल का कोई भेदभाव नहीं था। सबके लिये फीस भी समान थी।
इस शिक्षा पद्धति में मानव मन एवं मस्तिष्क को दक्ष, सुंदर एवं क्षमतावान बनाने का लक्ष्य रखा गया था। इस पद्धति में अंग्रेजी के साथ-साथ हिन्दी को स्वैच्छिक माध्यम के रूप में पढ़ने का अवसर दिया गया था। उनके द्वारा खोले गये स्कूलों ने इतनी अधिक लोकप्रियता अर्जित की कि मार्टिण्डल को यह टिप्पणी करनी पड़ी कि आर्यसमाजी स्कूल ईसाई मिशनरी स्कलों के समानांतर हैं। इनमें क्रिश्चियन मिशनरी स्कूलों के बराबर ही, अध्ययन के विषय, अनुशासन के नियम तथा विद्यार्थियों में शिक्षा के प्रति रुचि उत्पन्न की गई है।
आर्यसमाज ने इस क्षेत्र में गुणवत्ता और संख्या की दृष्टि से अच्छी स्कूलें स्थापित की जिनके माध्यम से समाज में समानता का प्रसार करने तथा अंधविश्वासों को दूर करने में महत्त्वपूर्ण भूमिका का निर्वहन किया गया। इन स्कूलों के माध्यम से बच्चों में राष्ट्रीय चेतना का भी विकास हुआ तथा छुआछूत जैसी बुराईयों को भी कम करने में सहायता मिली।
दयानंद आश्रम एंग्लो-वैदिक पाठशाला
ई.1888 में अजमेर के आर्य समाजी कार्यकर्ताओं ने दयानन्द आश्रम पाठशाला की स्थापना की जिसका नाम बाद में बदलकर दयानन्द आश्रम ऐंग्लो वैदिक पाठशाला रखा गया। सर्वप्रथम 1 अध्यापक एवं 11 विद्यार्थियों से यह विद्यालय खोला गया। विद्यालय का प्रबंध आर्यसमाज अजमेर की एक उपशाखा के अधीन था, जिसके प्रधान हर बिलास शारदा एवं मंत्री हीरालाल थे। ई.1888 के अंत तक इस विद्यालय में छात्रों की संख्या 111 हो गई। ई.1897 में यह विद्यालय हाई स्कूल में क्रमोन्नत हुआ।
इस विद्यालय में विद्यार्थियों की संख्या प्रतिवर्ष बढ़ती गई। ई.1888 में 111, ई.1899 में 445, ई.1909 में 480, ई.1919 में 590, ई.1929 में 702, ई.1939 में 839, ई.1941 में 957 छात्र इस विद्यालय में शिक्षा ग्रहण कर रहे थे। विद्यार्थियों की बढ़ती हुई संख्या के कारण ई.1927 में दो विभाग और ई.1931 में तीन विभाग उच्च कक्षाओं के खोले गये। ई.1927 में अध्यापकों की संख्या 40 के लगभग थी। अगस्त 1941 में इस विद्यालय की स्वर्ण जयंती उदयपुर के तत्कालीन दीवान सर टी विजय राघवाचार्य की अध्यक्षता में मनाई गई। इसमें आर्यसमाज के शिक्षा कार्य एवं डी ए वी स्कूल की प्रशंसा की गई कि इस संस्था ने विद्या प्रसार में महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान दिया है।
दयानन्द विद्यालय
निर्धन एवं उपेक्षित बालकों की शिक्षा के लिये जुलाई 1943 में महात्मा कन्हैयालाल द्वारा अजमेर में दयानन्द विद्यालय की स्थापना की गई। ई.1944 में शिक्षा विभाग द्वारा इस विद्यालय को मिडिल स्कूल की मान्यता प्रदान की गई। ई.1946 में यह विद्यालय हाईस्कूल में क्रमोन्नत हो गया। विद्यालय का संचालन एक कार्यकारिणी सभा द्वारा होता था। विद्यालय में प्रत्येक शनिवार को हवन एवं धार्मिक प्रवृत्तियों का आयोजन होता था।
दयानन्द मिडिल स्कूल
ई.1939 में जियालाल की प्रेरणा से अजमेर में दयानन्द मिडिल स्कूल की स्थापना की गई जिसका संचालन आर्यसमाज शिक्षा सभा, अजमेर द्वारा होता था। इसका अपना भवन नहीं होने से स्कूल अनाथालय में लगता था।
दयानंद महाविद्यालय अजमेर
इस महाविद्यालय की स्थापना गैर सरकारी सोसाइटी 'आर्यसमाज शिक्षा सभा' द्वारा ई.1888 में हुई। तब यह एक छोटी पाठशाला के रूप में था। ई.1895 में यह हाई स्कूल बना। ई.1942 में इण्टर कॉलेज ई.1951 में ग्रेजुएशन कॉलेज तथा ई.1958 में पोस्ट ग्रेजुएशन कॉलेज बना। 20वीं शताब्दी के चतुर्थ दशक में अजमेर आर्यसमाज के उत्साही कार्यकर्ता पंडित जियालाल ने अजमेर में कॉलेज भवन बनवाने का निश्चय किया। 28 जुलाई 1940 को महाविद्यालय भवन की नींव खुदाई का कार्य आर्यसमाज के स्वामी सतग्दानन्द के हाथों सम्पन्न हुआ।
5 अप्रेल 1941 को डी ए वी हाई स्कूल की स्वर्ण जयंती के अवसर पर डूंगरपुर के महारावल लक्ष्मणसिंह ने कृषि और औद्योगिक कॉलेज भवन की नींव रखी। ई.1942-43 में कॉलेज का निचला हिस्सा बन जाने के पश्चात् धनाभाव के कारण कार्य कुछ समय के लिये बंद रहा। ई.1942 में कॉलेज भवन के निचले हिस्से में इन्टरमीडियेट की कक्षायें लगने लगीं। ई.1942 से 1945 तक कॉलेज में कई प्राचार्य नियुक्त हुए किंतु कॉलेज की प्रारम्भिक कठिनाइयों के कारण वे असफल सिद्ध हुए।
इसके पश्चात् ई.1945 में जियालाल के अधिक आग्रह के कारण दत्तात्रेय वाबले अपनी वकालात छोड़कर महाविद्यालय के प्राचार्य बने। इस कॉलेज में ई.1942 में कला, ई.1943 में वाणिज्य, ई.1948 में विज्ञान की 11वीं तथा 12वीं कक्षायें प्रारंभ की गईं। कॉलेज में विद्यार्थियों की संख्या प्रतिवर्ष बढ़ती गई। ई.1945 में इण्टरमीडियेट कॉमर्स में बोर्ड की परीक्षा में जगदीश चन्द्र कोरिया ने प्रथम स्थान प्राप्त किया।
ई.1947 में चार छात्रों ने इण्टरमीडियेट परीक्षा में दूसरा, तीसरा, छठा, सातवां स्थान प्राप्त किया। ई.1947 तक डी ए वी कॉलेज ने अत्यधिक उन्नति की और परीक्षा फल भी ठीक रहा। ई.1945 से ई.1972 तक वाबले दयानन्द कॉलेज के प्राचार्य पद पर रहे और इस अवधि में उन्होंने इसे स्नातकोत्तर कॉलेज के स्तर तक पहुँचा दिया। इस कॉलेज का पुस्तकालय अत्यंत विशाल है जिसमें एक लाख से भी अधिक पुस्तकें हैं। ई.1980 से ई.1984 तक इस पुस्तक के लेखक ने इसी महाविद्यालय से प्रथम श्रेणी में कृषि स्नातक की उपाधि ग्रहण की।
आर्य पुत्री पाठशाला
आर्यसमाज अजमेर द्वारा 27 फरवरी 1898 को पुरानी मण्डी अजमेर में आर्य पुत्री पाठशाला की स्थापना की गई। यह राजस्थान में अपने प्रकार की पहली पाठशाला थी। इसका उद्देश्य लड़कियों को मानसिक, शारीरिक एवं बौद्धिक रूप से मजबूत बनाना, उन्हें धार्मिक शिक्षा देना, उन्हें आधुनिक शिक्षा उपलब्ध करवाना तथा प्रत्यक्ष एवं परोक्ष रूप से हिन्दू संस्कृति में विश्वास एवं आदर उत्पनन करना था।
मथुराप्रसाद गुलाबदेवी आर्य कन्या पाठशाला
मथुराप्रसाद गुलाबदेवी आर्य कन्या पाठशाला की स्थापना ई.1898 में अजमेर में मथुरा प्रसाद ने की। कन्या पाठशाला का प्रबंध सर्वप्रथम गुलाब देवी के हाथों में रहा। इसक पश्चात् ई.1921 में आर्य प्रतिनिधि सभा राजस्थान ने इस पाठशाला का प्रबंधन आर्यसमाज अजमेर को सौंप दिया। पाठशाला का कार्य सुचारू रूप से चलाने के लिये 12 सदस्यों का ट्रस्ट बनाया गया। 26 जनवरी 1940 को इस ट्रस्ट को पंजीकृत करवाया गया। पाठशाला की स्थापना के पश्चात् इसके विद्यार्थियों की संख्या लगातार बढ़ने लगी।
ई.1926 में 127 छात्राएं, ई.1937 में 275 छात्राएं, ई.1941 में 300 से अधिक छात्राएं तथा ई.1947 में इस पाठशाला में 325 छात्राएं विद्याध्ययन करती थीं। इस पाठशाला में पाठ्य पुस्तकों के साथ-साथ धार्मिक पुस्तकों का भी अध्ययन करवाया जाता था। कक्षाएं एक से आठ तक चलती थीं। छात्राएं प्रयाग महिला विद्यापीठ तथा वैदिक धर्म विशारद की परीक्षायें भी समय-समय पर देती थीं।
इस विद्यालय की प्रधानाध्यापकिाओं में गुलाब देवी, जवाहर देवी तथा विद्यादेवी शास्त्री के नाम उल्लेखनीय हैं। ई.1926 में 127 छात्राओं में से 94, ई.1936 में कक्षा अष्टम में 13 छात्राओं में से 13, ई.1941 में 298 छात्राओं में से 248 छात्रायें उत्तीर्ण हुईं किंतु विद्यालय में स्थानाभाव बना रहा।
अछूत पाठशाला
आर्यसमाज अजमेर द्वारा ऊसरी दरवाजा के पास अछूत पाठशाला स्थापित की गई।
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी : प्रजामण्डल आंदोलन के प्रमुख नेता - गोकुल भाई भट्ट
21.12.2021
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी - 182
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी : प्रजामण्डल आंदोलन के प्रमुख नेता - गोकुल भाई भट्ट
1. प्रश्न - गोकुल भाई भट्ट का जन्म कब एवं कहाँ हुआ?
उतर- 19 फरवरी 1898 को सिरोही जिले के हांथल गाँव में।
2. प्रश्न - गोकुल भाई भट्ट ने सिरोही राज्य में किस संस्था की स्थापना की?
उतर- सिरोही राज्य प्रजामण्डल।
3. प्रश्न - किस नेता को सिरोही राज्य की रीजेन्सी बोर्ड का अध्यक्ष बनाया गया?
उतर- गोकुल भाई भट्ट को।
4. प्रश्न - राजपूताना प्रांतीय देशी राज्य प्रजा परिषद का गठन कब हुआ?
उतर- ई.1946 में।
5. प्रश्न - राजपूताना प्रांतीय देशी राज्य प्रजा परिषद के प्रथम अध्यक्ष कौन थे?
उतर- गोकुल भाई भट्ट।
6. ई.1947 में सिरोही राज्य के पहले प्रधानमंत्री कौन बने?
उतर- गोकुल भाई भट्ट।
7. प्रश्न - गोकुल भाई भट्ट को किस राष्ट्रीय संस्था का सदस्य चुना गया?
उतर- राष्ट्रीय संविधान सभा का।
8. प्रश्न - जब आजादी के बाद सिरोही राज्य को बम्बई प्रांत में मिला दिया गया तो किस नेता ने सरदार पटेल को लिखा कि हमारे लिये सिरोही का मतलब है गोकुलभाई भट्ट। हम उनके बिना नहीं रह सकते।
उतर- राजस्थान के मुख्यमंत्री हीरालाल शास्त्री ने।
9. प्रश्न - किस नेता ने सिरोही राज्य को फिर से राजस्थान में मिलवाने के लिये संघर्ष किया?
उतर- गोकुल भाई भट्ट ने।
10. प्रश्न - 1952 के आम चुनावों में गोकुल भाई भट्ट किससे पराजित हुए?
उतर- गोकुलभाई भट्ट केवल एक बार ही आम चुनावों में खड़े हुए और जोधपुर महाराजा के भाई अजीतसिंह द्वारा हरा दिये गये। इसके बाद उन्होंने कभी कोई चुनाव नहीं लड़ा। वे किसी सरकार में मंत्री नहीं रहे।
11. प्रश्न - 1952 के बाद गोकुलभाई भट्ट ने अपना पूरा जीवन के किस उद्देश्य के लिये समर्पित कर दिया?
उतर- शराबबंदी के लिये।
12. प्रश्न - गोकुलभाई भट्ट का निधन कब हुआ?
उतर- 6 अक्टूबर 1986 को।
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Gandhi And Subhash Bose At Loggerheads
02.06.2020
POLARIZATION BETWEEN TWO WORLD WARS (With Special reference to Gandhi Vs. Subhash)
The anticipated world war – II had been brewing for quite some time and came as no surprise in the first week of Sept. 1939. Since 1936, the international situation had been fast deteriorating. Indian National Congress was sure, as in the first World War, Britain might entangle India in any future conflict. They remembered the dividends received by India after active participation in the First World War. After the Jallianwalla Bagh and the Rowlatt Acts, it could scarcely ignore the fact that Indian’s participation in the war hinged on the issue of her independence. Indian people had the right to decide whether to participate in any war. If the British Government tried to involve India in any warlike adventure, it would be the duty of Indian people to resist it. The Congress was determined, not to allow India to be exploited by Britain for its imperialist objectives.1 Such a resolution was again passed in 1928.2
Civil disobedience campaign continued intermittently till 1934. Hence the Congress could pay scant attention to international problems and this continued till Jawaharlal Nehru’s taking over the presidentship of the Congress in 1936. Congress policies on international issues were formulated mainly by Nehru. It was, to a great extent, largely due to him that the Congress developed a strong dislike for the aggressive intentions of the Fascist powers and veered round to supporting the causes of democracy and freedom as against the forces of Fascism., Nazism and Imperialism.
The Lucknow Congress (April 1936) affirmed its conviction that lasting peace could only be established with removal of the underlying causes of war and cessation of the domination and exploitation of one nation by another. Apprehending that in the event of such a war an attempt would inevitably be made to drag in and exploit India for the benefit of British imperialism, the Congress reiterated its determination to oppose Indian participation in any imperialist war.3 This imperialist became a recurring theme of all Congress sessions till 1939.4
Striving to obtain its main objectives i.e. India’s Independence, the Congress followed a dual policy during 1936-39. It openly condemned the warlike activities of Italy, Germany and Japan and expressed strong sympathy and moral support towards the victims of Fascist aggression. Simultaneously, the Congress repeatedly declared that India would support any war against fascism and Nazism only if she herself became independent. The Congress put both the Facist and the imperialist powers at the same level. Once imperialism, the root cause of conflict was eliminated, fascism would then automatically be defeated. On 1 May 1939, the All India Congress Committee re-affirmed its determination to oppose all attempts to involve India or use Indian resources in such a war without the consent of the Indian people. 5 As war seemed imminent following the Nazi occupation of Czechoslavakia, the Congress working committee warned in the second week of August 1939, that it would not welcome any imposition of war on India. It did not approve of the policy of sending Indian troops to Middle East or Far East. As a protest, it called upon the Congress members of the Central Legislative Assembly to refrain from attending the next session. The Working Committee further advised the Congress ministries in the provinces not to cooperate with the Government’s, war effort and to remain prepared to lay down office, if the Congress policy led to this contingency.6
Subhash had well formed political opinions even before joining politics. At Cambridge, he studied more European History including some original source books like Bismarck’s Autobiograhy, Metternich’s Memories and Cavour’s Letters etc. “These original sources”, Bose recalls, “more than anything else, studied at Cambridge, helped to rouse my political sense and to foster my understanding of the inner currents of International Politics.7 He was firmly convinced that “a nation can be made only by the uncompromising idealism of Hampden and Cromwell” and followed his goal of achieving India’s freedom with an uncompromising spirit. He replied to his friend Dilip Roy, who shared his views: “Those of us who still fondly believed that India’s going to win her independence by raising echoes to such nostrums of alien countries are blowing hope bubbles of illusion. They don’t know what they are talking about.8 For the obvious reasons that nobody helps another disinterestedly, not politics, recalls Mirzafar9. Didn’t he believe as fondly as you believe in English Labour or Russian Communists, the Clive would help him on his throne and then gallantly buttress him with the fealty of an obedient vassal? No Dilip, Sir Aurbindo was perfectly right when he said in the Swadeshi days that no outsider, would help India. If we ourselves can’t win our freedom none will come to our rescue.”10
Subhas was clear in his mind that Indian people have to be organized to start a revolution, ideas of revolution were not to be imported from Russia or from any other country. The Indian revolutionary movement at the time of partition of Bengal was vivid in his mind. It was due to his radical views that the Gandhian ideology could not exert any lasting influence on Bose. It was an interesting co-incidence that he travelled in the same ship with Rabindranath Tagore and this short contact helped him to confirm his views on the political problems of India. In his own worlds: “I had occasion to discuss with him the new policy of non-cooperation adopted by the Congress. He was only anxious that there should be more of constructive activity….. what he suggested was analogous to the constructive side of the Irish Sinn Fein movement and was completely in accord with my views.”
After the arrival in Bombay on July 16, 1921 Subhas met Mahatma Gandhi at Mani Bhavan. Gandhi’s influence had tremendously increased since the special session of the Congress in Calcutta in the Autumn of 1920. Gandhiji was, undoubtedly, the most prominent leader of the Congress and Subhas wanted to understand him in the light of the ideas acquired at Cambridge, before accepting this leadership. Gandhi had, by now become one of the most prominent leaders of the Congress and the National Movement was entering a new and dynamic phase. Gandhi’s unique weapons of Satyagrapha11 and cooperation were proving effective.
Bose wanted Gandhi to elucidate on three points. How were the different activities conducted by the Congress going to culminate in the last stage of the campaign namely, the non-payment of taxes? How could non-payment of taxes or civil disobedience force the government to retire and grant freedom to Indians. How could the Mahatama promise Swaraj within one year as he had been doing since the last session of the Indian National Congress? Subhas was satisfied with Gandhi’s answer to the first question but the replies to the other two were not convincing. This was the first fateful meeting between Subhas and Gandhi. They had agreement on the ultimate objective of India’s freedom, but there were fundamental differences on the method of achieving the objective. In the words of S.A.Ayer, the Minister for Publicity and information in the Provisional Government of Azad Hind: “Agreement on the ultimate objective of India’s freedom from foreign rule, the fundamental differences on the method of achieving the objective largely characterized the political relations between these two leaders from the day Subhas first met Mahatma in Bombay in July 1921 till they met for the first time in Wardha in June 1940. With the Mahatma, non-violence was a living creed, it was an article of faith that the use of force was necessary to dislodge the alien ruler from Indian soil13.
Bose’s first meeting with Gandhi was “a failure in its immediate purpose14 and as it is known to recorded history it “set the tenor of future relation between the two.”15 “The common characteristics which united Mahatma Gandhi and S.C. Bose were their ability to transform ideas into facts and their implacable sense of discipline.” Alexander Werth tries to point out the reasons for divergences in the approach of these two great leaders of India’s freedom movement. “In view of this similarity the temporary divergences which occurred between Gandhi and Bose who had devoted themselves to the same task for many years, could only affect the procedures as to how to approach the goal, taking into account the frequent changes and uncertain situations before and during the war. The great difference in age, naturally, played a big role too. Netaji’s birth was separated from that of Gandhi’s by one generation. This means, from the beginning – even considering the common aim both the personalities had in mind there was fundamental difference in temperament and style. This polarity forms a part of Indian history and consequently the world history.
Gandhi could read the mind of Subhas and advised him to report to C.R. Das when he reached Calcutta. Subhash had already established a contact with Das through letters from Cambridge and on reaching Calcutta, he took the earliest opportunity to meet him. This meeting proved to be very auspicious. Bose writes: “During the course of our conversation I began to feel that here was a man who knew what he was about, who could give all that he had, and who could demand from others all that they could give, a man whom youthfulness was not a shortcoming but a virtue. By the time our conversation came to an end my mind was made up. I felt I had found a leader and meant to follow him.18
START OF ACTIVE POLITICAL WORK
In 1921, when Bose entered the political arena, India witnessed hectic political activity. Gandhi’s call for ‘Swaraj within a year; had electrified the whole nation. His unique method of non cooperation had great appeal for the people. Gandhi gave a call for boycotting legislatures, courts and educational institutions. On August 1, 1921 the first Anniversary of Lokmanya Tilak’s death was observed throughout the country with huge bonfires of foreign cloth. This symbolic agitation created tremendous patriotic fervour in the country.
C.R. Das was immensely satisfied with the ability and sincerity of Subhas and placed him in charge of the publicity board of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. He was also made head of the National Volunteer Corps. When some people complained that a single person should not be entrusted with so many responsibilities and that too when he is inexperienced, C.R. Das assured them: “I can see through persons. Bose will never belie my expectations. He will be the right man to do justice to the work”.
Bose effectively organized the propaganda activities of the Congress in such a manner that the Government felt terribly embarrassed. The statesman of Calcutta recognized the great ability of Subhas. Subhas’ main slogan was “To make our non-cooperation with the Britishers successful, Indians must have the fullest cooperation among themselves.20 In September 1921, many Congress leaders, headed by Gandhi, came to Calcutta to persuade the former revolutionary to join the new cooperation movement. Most of the leaders were the guests of C.R. Das and Subhas was entrusted with the duty of arranging the meeting between Gandhi and the revolutionaries. It is an irony of history that Subhas who later followed the method and programme of action of the revolutionaries had to mediate for arranging a meeting between Gandhi, the apostle of peace and non violence, and the revolutionaries who believed in blood and sacrifice.
The non-cooperation movement became very prominent as it was used as an effective non violent weapon to protest against the proposed visit of the price of Wales to India with the purpose of assuaging public feelings and to make the Indians cooperative in their attitude towards the inauguration of the Montford Reforms. Instructions were issued by the Congress Working Committee to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales and a call for a hartal on November 17, was given. On this day, the Prince was scheduled to land in Bombay. The hartal was a grand success, especially in Calcutta the whole administration was Paralysed.21 A Government notification was issued within 24 hours declaring the Congress Volunteer organization illegal C.R. Das, in an emergency meeting, was vested with all powers and was also authorized to nominate his successor. Bose had earlier become a member of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and C.R. Das put him in charge of the new movement. “In the next two months he was prominent in the agitation against the Prince of Wales’ visit, and under took the leadership of the Congress Volunteers in Calcutta.22
Thousands came forward to join as volunteers for courting arrest. There was no room for them in the jails and orders were issued for summary release, but no one was prepared to leave the prison. C.R. Das said: “I feel the handcuffs on my wrists and the weight of iron on my body. It is agony of bondage”.23
In shear frustration, the Government arrested C.R. Das but Bose was not arrested in the beginning. He put on a long face for which he was teased by Das as “Our Crying Captain”. On December 10, 1921, Bose was arrested for parading illegally and received a sentence for six months simple imprisonment. “Only six months”, he mocked at the magistrate, “have I then stolen a chicken?”24. In prison, Bose lived in close proximity with C.R. Das and served him as secretary, cook and valet. He had long discussions with him on several subjects and benefitted very much by broadening his mental horizon. “For Bose he came to stand in the place of the guru he had sought so long.25
Lord Reading, the Viceroy , was anxious for a compromise and wanted the Congress to call off the proposed boycott of the Prince’s visit to Calcutta on December 24. 26 If the Congress acceded to this the Government would order a Round table conference of the Congress and the Government for a general release of all prisoners and arrange for summoning a round table conference of the Congress and the government representatives to discuss proposed reforms.27 This was communicated to C.R. Das through Madan Mohan Malaviya. Das and Abdul Kalam Azad accepted this offer inspite of opposition from younger elements including Subhas Bose. The year in which Gandhi promised Swaraj was drawing to a close and C.R. Das wanted that something ought to be done to save the prestige of the Congress.28 He thought that the Congress may not succeed but its failure would provide the Congress to fight with redoubled vigour and force. Gandhi insisted on the release of the Ali Brothers29 and a firm declaration of the date and nature of composition of the proposed Round Table Congress. The viceroy was no longer in a mood to continue the parleys and the matter ended there itself. The Government of India, tired of waiting, had changed their mind.” The Deshbandhu was beside himself with anger and disgust. The chance of a life time, he said, “had been lost.”30
The Congress Movement of 1921. The year, 1921 came to an end with a whimper as nothing startling was achieved. Bose as an objective critic of Gandhi, while recognizing the great ability of the leader did not spare the shortcomings. “There can, of course, be no doubt that within twelve months, the country had made tremendous progress and much of the credit for that belonged to the Mahatma, But what has to be regretted is that the he did not show sufficient diplomacy and prudence when the crucial hour arrived. In this connection, I am reminded of what Desh Bandhu used to frequently say about the virtues and failings, of Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership. According to him, the Mahatma opens a campaign in a brilliant fashion; he works it up with unerring skill; he moves from success to success till he reaches the Zenith of his campaign but after that he loses his nerve and begins to falter.31
The year, 1921, undoubtedly, gave the country a highly organized party-organization. Before that, the Congress was a constitutional party and mainly a talking body. The Mahatma not only gave it a new constitution on nation-wise basis-but what is more important, converted it into a revolutionary organization.32 But, in spite of its glorious achievements, the movements of 1921 failed. Gandhi called off the civil-disobedience movement altogether,33 following the incident in Chauri Chaura, where some policemen were killed as angry villagers set fire to a police station. Except for his closest followers, all congressmen decried this move of Gandhi. Bose considered it as “nothing short of national calamity.34” C.R. Das, Moti Lal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru35 were all greatly disappointed and annoyed at such a decision by Gandhiji36. J.L. Nehru agreed that the decision to call off the movement brought out a certain demoralization: “It is possible that this sudden bottling up of a great movement contributed to a tragic development in the country. The drift is sporadic and futile violence in the political struggle was stopped, but the suppressed violence had to find a way out, and in the following years, this, perhaps, aggravated the communal trouble.”37
The non-cooperation movement started by Gandhi let loose many forces in the country which posed a threat to the safety of the British Empire in Iindia.38 The suspension of movement, however, had dampening effect on public enthusiasm and morale. “For half a decade after the blow of Bardoli, the national movement was prostrated. The Congress fell to a low ebb.39”
The boycott of the legislatures, as conceived by the Calcutta Congress in 1920, had proved to be a failure; while the nationalists had kept away from the legislatures, the undesirables had captured those bodies. These people instead of assisting popular movement in the country, had lent their support to the Government. Through their help, the Government was able to demonstrate to the world that in their policy of repression, they had the support of the elected members of the legislatures 40. C.R.Das was of the view that in a revolutionary, the points of vantage should not be left in the hands of the enemy. He, therefore, wanted that all elected seats in the legislatures and public bodies like the municipalities and district boards should be captured by Congressmen to “carry on a policy of uniform, continuous and consistent opposition to the Government.” This was necessary to prevent the Government and its agents from doing any mischief….It meant the extension of Congress activity to capturing elected seats in the Legislatures and the public bodies. “As these discussions went on for some weeks, two parties crystalled among the political prisoners’ in the Alipore Jail and they proved to be the nuclei of the future ‘Swaraj and ‘No-change’ Parties.41
Subhas Bose had been released from jail earlier, than the release of C.R. Das and he became the chairman of the reception committee of the All Bengal Young Men’s Conference held at Calcutta in September 1922. In his speech, Bose laid stress on constructive activities, social uplift and mass education.42 There was an unprecedented flood in the northern districts of Bengal in September 1922. Bose recruited hundreds of volunteers to help in the relief works which was a great success.43 The annual session of the Indian National Congress which was to be held in Gaya in the last week of December 1922 attracted the attention of the whole country. C.R. Das was again elected the president. The session almost became a battle ground between the advocates of council-entry and the opponents of council entry, They were known as ‘no changers’ and ‘pro Changers’ The resolution supported by C.R. Das was lost on December 31,1992 by 1784 votes to 890.Subhas was the chief lien lieutenant of Das at Gaya. M. Tayyebulla writes: “…… we had Subhash as C.R. Das’ Lientenant at Gaya. Young Subhas was following Das and Motilal Nehru more than Gandhi, whose creed to him was ‘a vague philosophy’, ‘a religious ideal’, ‘a beautiful vision’, and a ‘religious credo’, but not something that could be called ‘politics’! Subhas began his public life is the Swaraj party.44
The Swaraj Party:
After the rejection of the proposal at Gaya Congress, C.R. Das resigned as President of the All India Congress Committee. Pt.Mtilal Nehru, the general secretary of the Party, also resigned and both formed the Swaraj Party on January 1,1923, a day after their resignation. “This unexpected blow cast a shadow on the faces of Mahatma’s supporters. Most of the outstanding intellectuals were on the side of C.R. Das and there was no doubt that without them, the Congress would lose much of its strength and importance”.45 This was the second loss for Congress after the exit of the liberals. If the supporters of Gandhiji left Gaya satisfied at their victory, the Swarajists with a sense of defeat but with the determination to fight and win.46 Bose had no choice other than supporting his boss. He “had naturally cast his lot with his leader and become a faithful if not an ardent ‘pro-changer.47” Bose was made the editor of the journal ‘Banglar Katha’-started for party propaganda. He was given the responsibility of managing the daily paper, Forward, which went on to becoming a nationalist paper of India. Many forceful articles published theirin attempted to interpret India in terms of Marxist ideas.48
Subhas was greatly influenced by socialist and Marxist ideas. Forward, which became the mouthpiece of the Swaraj party, expressed radical views on many contemporary political problems and added to the prestige of the party. Despite the opposition of the followers of Gandhi, the Swaraj Party gained great popularity among the masses. The political atmosphere of the country was vitiated by feelings of bitterness between the two parties and “the breach between the two groups of Congress was now open.49 In spite of just two months for fighting elections, the Swarajists succeeded in winning a large numbers of seats in the Central Legislative Assembly. Bose writes:…. In the central provinces, the election returns were excellent and it was clear that by their obstructive tactics, the Swarajists would be able to paralyse the works of the Local Legislative Council.”50 Subhas soon emerged as a well-known youth leader. The “All Bengal youth League” was formed under his presidentship with an ambitious programme. When Gandhi was pre-maturely released, the Swarajists were eager to seek his blessings. Das and Motilal Nehru met him in Juhu, Bombay, where he was convalescing. Even after prolonged discussions the two were unable to convince Gandhi, who was of the view that the Swarajist strategy of ‘obstruction form within’ was a contradiction in terms51. Gandhi refused to help the Swarajists, but in view of the Congress resolution in favour of council entry, he advised his followers to remain absolutely neutral and adhere to the Constructive Programme. “On principle he was, of course, bitterly opposed to the Swarajist policy of ‘Council entry’, nevertheless, he did not adopt a hostile attitude. If may be that he found the position of Swarajists to be too strong in the country to able to overthrow them, so he bowed to the inevitable. Or it may be that he felt that the changed circumstances in the country warranted a change in tactics52.”
In April 1924, the Swarajists hegemony over Calcutta Corporation was established. Subhas Bose was returned unopposed and was appointed the Chief Executive Officer in April,1923. The Government was not pleased with this appointment and its sanction was not given until a month later.53 “At the age of twenty-seven he was, thus, in a far more responsible position than any which he could have occupied in the Indian Civil Service for many years.”54 After Bose joined office, the administration of the Calcutta corporation got a new orientation under the Swarajists. Khadi became the official uniform of the Municipal Employees and the Swarajist councillors had already taken to it. Steps were taken to open schools and colleges. Provision was made for social welfare and public health services. Streets and public places were named after nationalist heroes. Nationalist leaders were given office receptions and the practice of presenting addresses to high Government officials was discontinued. “…… Municipality arranged to give civic receptions to Nationalist leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Motilal Nehru and Mr. V.J. Patel when they visited the city and the previous custom of giving civic receptions to Viceroys, Governors, and officials was discontinued once and for all.55 The Calcutta Municipal Gazette, a weakly civic journal, the first of its kind in the whole country, was published.56 Preferential treatment was given to the minorities in civic appointments.57 From a political worker, Bose became a civic official dedicated to constructive hard work, and for the time being, was lost to the Congress.58
“People for the first time began to look upon the Municipality as their own institution and upon Municipal officers and employees as public servants and not bureaucrats.59 Though in the beginning, things were smooth, gradually there was bitter opposition from the Government , “with the result that constant friction used to take place.”
As a dynamite did not explode in time, Lord Irwin had a providential escape. The independence resolution which was moved in the session of the Congress included a clause congratulating the Viceroy for his providential escape which read: “The Congress deplores the bomb outrage perpetrated on the Viceroy’s train and reiterates its conviction that such action is not only contrary to the creed of the Congress , but results in harm being done to the national cause . It congratulates the Viceroy and Lady Irwin and their party, including the poor servants on their fortunate and narrow escape.60 Bose was opposed to the inclusion of such a clause in a political resolution. He writes: “The feeling in the Congress was that, that clause was uncalled for in the political resolution, but the Mahatma insisted on retaining it, probably he wanted to placate Lord Irwin and prepare the ground of a rapprochement in future.61 “Inevitably official suspicion turned against him: to the British he was that most sinister of objects, an enigma.62” A new emergency ordinance was issued by the Viceroy, called the Bengal Ordinance. Subhas Bose “was arrested as one of the most dangerous.63 Hugh Toye writes: “No charge was ever brought and such was the clamour against his arbitrary detention that, had a conviction been possible, the authorities could hardly have refrained from trying him”.64
Bose’s Return to Active Politics
C.R. Das’ demise 65 sounded the death knell of the Swaraj Party which merged itself in Congress. By mid 1927 When Bose returned to Active politics, the darkest hour had come to an end and the horizon looked well-lit. Bose was elected the president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. Though he had good relations with J.M. Sen Gupta in the beginning, soon strained as both differed fundamentally on vital issues. Bengal Congress politics was vitiated as rival groups of the Jugantar and Anusilan parties extended support to Bose and Gupta respectively.66 Bose blamed Sen Gupta and Kiran Shankar Roy for the miserable state of affairs of the Congress. He felt there was the need or a strong man to settle factional differences and to constitute one United national party in Bengal. 67 Bose, for sometime remained aloof from rampant factional politics of Bengal but the involvements of his elder brother Sarat Bose, a personal and political confidant, did not allow Subhas to remain outside Congress conflicts 68. After C.R. Das passed away, Bengal became known for factional politics and no single individual or group was able to control all the factions 69. The conflict was mainly between the Gandhian High Command, the dominant faction at the centre of the Congress organization and the Boses who were most often the dominant faction in Bengal Congress 70. Bengal politics was a tangled web of shifting alliances 71.
Bose heard the news of the suspension of the civil disobedience Movement by Gandhi. Bose and Patel were both furious at such a decision on flimsy grounds. Bose considered it an ignoble surrender to the British 72. The history of 1922 was repeating itself. They issued a joint statement 73 denouncing the suspension of the moment, which no-body in India had dared to do inspite of their resentment against the Congress action. Though Jawaharlal Nehru 74, J.B. Kiriplani 75, K.M. Munshi 76 and Pattabhai Sitaramaya all tried to justify Gandhi’s mysterious decision on different grounds. Signing of the joint statement was “Patel’s last political Act”. Soon he died on October 22, 1933.
During his stay in Europe for nearly four years, Bose had been thoroughly disillusioned with the Gandhi philosophy and strategy for winning independence for India. He had set his mind on evolving more radical methods of mass organization and armed revolt in various European countries which had won their independence by applying this method. He visited Berlin and Rome many times and met top ranking Nazi and Fascist leaders to ascertain their views about India’s freedom. He met Mussolini several times but could not get to meet Hitler as the latter was not prepared to have any discussion with him 79. He enquired as to when Germany would strike Britain “so that India might also take up arms simultaneously against the British.” But Hitler was never in favour of the Indian Declaration of Independence against Britain 80. Bose wanted that world opinion should be mobilized in favour of Indian independence 81 and India should not hesitate to get help from foreign powers hostile to Great Britain. On this point, he developed a fundamental difference with Gandhi 82. He was much impressed by the underground movement of the Sinn Feins and considered this successful historic movement as a good model for India’s fight for freedom. Bose highly valued de Valera’s leadership and his valiant fight against the British. He was cordially received by the Irish leader who expressed full sympathy for the Indian cause 83. With Irish support Bose wanted the Indian fight for freedom known to the whole world.84
On the Indian political scene, political recession was evident on all fronts since the release of Gandhi in 1933. Till 1937, Gandhiji’s leadership remained withdrawn, but the Congress was dominated by his urdent supporters and followers. During 1933-37, period, of political retirement, Gandhi exercised his powers through Jawaharlal Nehru “who, in one aspect of his personality was Plato to Gandhi the Socrates. 85” Although Nehru’s popularity increased during this period, yet he was unable to provide the “Congress with that quality of leadership which had, since 1919, given it the dominant voice in India.86 Hugh Toye was correct in his assessment that this lack of dynamic leadership in the Congress was responsible for the unimpaired influence of Bose, in spite of his exile in Europe. Bose was a fiery patriot who symbolized the forces of socialism, secularism and pragmatism. He had the promise of an alternative leadership in the Congress and large sections of people who wanted that the country should take radical, progressive and even extremist steps to win the independence of India, admired him as the savior of the nation, the shortcomings of his political faith not withstanding. No Indian leader was capable of substituting for Bose. Hugh Toye who has been able to free himself from seeing things with British eyes had to admit that when Bose’s ‘The Indian struggle ‘ reached India in 1935, “its doctrines had an audience hardly less favorable than if Bose in person had been preaching them.87
Gandhi’s decision to sponsor the election of his most vocal critic as Congress president, had surprised many of his followers. But Gandhi had sponsored Bose’s candidature to forge unity between the Left wing and the Right wing in the Congress. It was also a shrewed move on the part of Gandhi as he knew that the election of a fire-brand like Bose to the office of Congress president would be a timely warning to the British and provide a strong bargaining counter. Again by securing the election of Bose as Congress President, Gandhi might have thought of taking the wind out of the sails of the Leftists as he had done earlier by sponsoring the case of Jawaharlal. But it did not succeed in the case of Bose, and soon their differences became public.
As president, after the Haripura session, Bose was conscious of Gandhi’s “incorrigible habit of putting all the cards on the table, his opposition to the policy of social boycott of the political opponents, his hope of a change of heart on the part of the British Government” 88 but at the same time, he was aware of the supreme need of unity in the Congress to fight against British imperialism and all the impervious designs of the rulers. He, therefore, said: “The Congress today is one supreme organ of mass struggle. It may have its Right block and its Left but it is a common platform for all anti-imperialist organisations striving for Indian emancipation. Let us, therefore, rally the whole country under the banner of the Indian National Congress".89 He appealed to all Leftist Groups in the country to pool all their energy and resources for democratizing Congress and reorganizing it on the broadest anti-imperialist lines. Outlining his policy on the eve of the Haripura Congress session, Bose said: “My term of office as the Congress president will be devoted to resist this unwanted federal scheme with all its undemocratic and anti-national features, with all the peaceful Legitimate powers, including non-violent non-cooperation if necessary and to strengthen the country’s determination to resist this scheme”. 90
The adoption of other methods of attainment of independence constituted the vital difference between Gandhi and Subhas. Gandhi, occasionally, retired from politics when the difference of opinion between him and the other prominent members was acute in the Congress, but staged a comeback in an attempt to achieve compromise with the forces which were to be reckoned with. In the year 1934, the year when the Congress Socialist Party was organized, Gandhi resigned from the membership of the Congress and in a parting statement explained that “there is a growing and vital difference of outlook between many Congressmen and myself."91 It was clear that the majority of Congressmen accepted non-violence as only a policy and not as a fundamental creed; The strength of the socialist and radical forces in the Congress was growing: “If they gain ascendancy in the Congress, as they well may, I cannot remain in the Congress”. 92 But Gandhi’s resignation from the Congress membership or his formal retirement for a temporary period did not remove his influence from Congress. For years to come, Gandhi was Congress and Congress was Gandhi. When Gandhi sponsored the candidature of Jawaharlal Nehru in 1936 for the Congress presidentship, it marked a recognition on his part of the inevitable ascendency of the forces of socialism.
In spite of his earlier differences with Gandhi and his group, as Congress President, Bose determined to abstain from doing anything that would offend Gandhi as far as possible and worked with an equal determination to provide leadership to the Congress in moulding it according to his plan of thinking. In selecting members of the working committee, he did not deviate from the old pattern: “All important decisions were taken by the working committee as a body. The President was the first among equals.” 93 Even in the matter of preparing his presidential address for the Haripura Congress session, Bose did not deviate from the traditional practice of Congress presidents in taking advice from the Mahatma. As a keen student of History, Bose knew that empires have invariably gone through the process of expansion and after reaching the Zenith of prosperity, have gradually shrunk into insignificance and sometimes death. He was sure that the same fate awaited the British Empire and apart from the external pressure it was sure to break down under its won strain. Bose was being prophetic when he hinted at the British policy of divide and rule and its application to India. At that time Pakistan was nowhere on the horizon but the British continued their sinister move to divide the Hindus and the Muslims in order to neutralize the demand for the transference of power. 94 Bose had realized that the perpetuation of the princely sates in India would mean the perpetration of the mischief of imperialism through a different counter. This was also another example of the British policy of divide and rule.
Ever since the beginning of his political career, Bose was a Champion of communal harmony. In his attempt to seek a solution to the vexed Hindu-Muslim question, he held a series of meetings with Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim league. All his efforts failed to bring any result due to Jinnah’s obduracy. Bose was conscious that a worsening of Hindu-Muslim relations would lead to vivisection of India and he was determined to avert this disaster. But as ill luck would have it, he was removed from the political scene in India and his dream of a united India was belied. It would not be out of place to mention in his context that it was Bose’s secular approach and his acceptability to the Muslims that must have been Gandhi’s main consideration for Gandhi to propose his name for the presidentship in 1938, inspite of their ideological differences. Gandhi, perhaps, thought, and not without reason, that Bose’s election as Congress President would arrest the mounting tide of communalism in the country.
Bose became Congress President on the initiative of Gandhi but it was certainly not an undeserving favour bestowed on him. By 1938, Bose was one of the front-ranked leaders of the Left wing in the Congress, he rightly deserved his high office and Gandhi’s choice had the whole hearted support of the Nation. Thus Gandhi was right for his selection of the Congress president for the session at Haripur, but it was wrong on his part to expect that like Jawaharlal, Subhas would be won over to his side. Bose knew that in spite of the cordiality on the surface from both sides, his polices and principles were not liked by the Gandhi wing. The cordiality between Bose and the members of the Congress Working Committee since the Haripura session was like the full force of the storm and Bose’s decision to contest for a second term of presidentship resulted in open hostlity 95. Till that time, the choice of the president was made by the working committee informally, on the basis of Gandhi’s directives.The Congress High Command was displeased with Bose’s decision to contest for the second term. 96 But he neither assigned any reason for his opposition to Boses candidature nor did he make it explicit. Bose‘s decisions to contest for presidentship for the second time was nothing unusual. The reasons given by Sitaramayya, justifying Gandhi’s opposition to Bose’s candidature, appear unconvincing.97 Prior to Bose, Jawaharlal had presided over the Congress thric 98 and Gandhi, at first, suggested his name when he returned from Europe in November 1938. 99 Gandhi proposed the name of Maulana Azad when Nehru declined. Azad had also presided over the Congress once in 1923, and he agreed, he would have been contesting for the second term. Sitaramyya’s argument that in proposing Azad’s name Gandhi was guided by the consideration of seeking a solution to the communal question by electing a Muslim as Congress president was the main aim of Gandhi as contended, there was no dearth of Nationalist Muslims who could have been nominated to the office after Azad declined the offer. Gandhi’s choice was not a Muslim, but Sitaramyya 100 himself, who was his staunch follower and supported him “ with the whole weight of his authority”.101
Patel Against Subhash’s Re-Election
Subhash said at the end of 1938 that he desired another year in Congress’ chair. Patel, who had not liked Subhash’s selection a year earlier was disturbed. The reaction had a personal component. Vallabhbhai’s misgivings about Subhash’s role in Vithalbhai’s will had not died, and he held a poor opinion of Subhash’s efficiency. In July, 1938, he had written to Prasad who had fallen ill: “Jawahar has gone abroad for atleast 4 months. You go out for 6 months, and we have to deal with a President who does not know his own job.” 102 Yet Patel would have opposed Subhash’s re-appointment even if the episode had never occurred and even if his estimate of Subhash’s capability had been different.103
His disagreements with Subhash were profound. Subhash was eager and Vallabhbhai reluctant, to exploit Englands vulnerability before Hitler’s threats. Whereas Subhash felt that the moment had come for mass disobedience to oust the British, Patel thought that Congress’ principal task in 1939 was to consolidate its power in the rovinces. Not that Subhash was indifferent to the advantages of power. Yet Subhash seemed ready by the end of 1938 to pull out all the Congress Ministries in a war with the Raj-a course that appeared unwarranted and unwise to Patel. 104 Another difference was over Gandhi, who was dispensible in Subhash’s eyes but absolutely necessary to the Sardar. Finally, though Subhash had led Congress in 1938 in the manner of a constitutional monarch, he now desired a Prime Minister’s power for the Congress President. Vallabhbhai’s views on this question, spelt out without ambiguity at the end of 1936, were the opposite of Subhash’s and had not been altered. 105 Subhash’s candidacy became even less appealing to Patel after he received a report from Azad about the line being taken by Bose’s supporters.
Bose’s decision to contest the election despite Gandhi’s disapproval was guided by ideological considerations rather than personal ambitions. He thought the war was imminent in which England would be involved and the Congress needed a definite Realist orientation in order to take maximum advantage out of England’s difficulties.102 Accordingly he issued a statement on January 21,1939 : “The issue is not a personal one. The progressive sharpening of the anti-imperialist struggle in India has given birth to new ideas, ideologies, problems and programmes. People are, consequently, veering around to the opinion that, as in other countries, the Congress Presidential election in India should be fought on the basis of definite problems and programmes so that the contest may help the clarification of issues and give a clear indication of the working of the public mind.103” Bose sought re-election as a protest against possible compromise: “There is a prospect of a compromise on the Federal scheme between the right wing of the Congress and the British Government during the coming year. Consequently, the right wing do not want a Leftist president who may be a thorn in the way of compromise and may put obstacles in the path of negotiations.104 It may be pointed out here that a man of Rabindranath Tagore’s eminence, requested Gandhi to allow Bose a second term.105 This is evidence of the fact that Tagore lost faith in Gandhi’s method and was confident that the modernist 106 alone were capable of delivering the goods. On 24th January, 1939, six members of the Congress working Committee issued a statement opposing the re-election of Subhas Chander Bose.107
CSP leaders supported Bose for his re-election and most of the CSP delegates voted for Bose. In the face of opposition of the official machine, Bose emerged victorious in the election. Bose was declared elected by 200 votes. Bose cautioned his followers against making any provocative statements but his election became the talk of the country on the whole. It was considered by many as the defeat of the right-Wing and the end of the Gandhian era in the Congress. The election of Bose, in the face of opposition from Gandhi and the Right-wing, led to sharp inner crisis in the Congress. Gandhi was not prepared to take it lying down and he issued a statement after the election of Bose which gave rise to an undesirable controversy which, ultimately, led to a serious breach in the Congress: “I must confess that from the very beginning, I was decidedly against his election for reasons into which I need not go. Since I was instrumental in inducing Dr. Pattabhi not to withdraw his name as a candidate, the defeat was more mine than his. And, I am nothing if I do not represent definite principles and policy. Therefore, its plain to me that the delegates do not approve of the principles and policy for which I stand. I rejoice in this defeat.” Subhas Babu, instead of being President on the sufferance of those whom he calls Rightists, is now President in a contest election. This enables him to choose a homogenous cabinet and enforce his programme without let or hindrance.110
Gandhi threw a challenge to Bose and asked him to carry on the work of the Congress without his support. Gandhi issued a statement accusing the Congress of becoming a ‘corrupt organisation’ with bogus members and asked the right Wing to come out of the Congress. While complementing Bose, he also held out a threat that those Congressmen who do not approve his policy, should leave Congress: “After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He has suffered for it. In his opinion, his is the most forward and boldest policy and programme…………. I must remind all congressmen that those, who being Congress-minded remain outside it by design, represent it the most. Those, therefore, who feel uncomfortable in being in the Congress, may come out, not in a spirit of ill-will, but with the deliberate purpose of rendering more effective service. 111 “Gandhi had become uncompromising in his attitude to Bose. He had treated the election of Bose as a vote of no-confidence in his leadership and the rejection of the principles for which he stood. He had taken the defeat of Sitaramayya as his personal defeat 112. Bose regretted this attitude of Gandhi: “It grieves me to find that Mahatma Gandhi has taken it as a personal defeat. I would respectfully differ from him on this point. The voters were not called upon to vote for or against Mahatma Gandhi.113
Bose tried to dispel the apprehension in some quarters of a split between the Leftists and the Rightists: 114 “Personally, I am definitely of the opinion that there is neither reason nor justification for a split within the ranks of Congress…… Let me make it quite clear that there will be no violent break with the past, parliamentary or in the extra-parliamentary sphere".115 It was not at all surprising to anybody, but in spite of the recurring differences, both the political leaders had great admiration for each other. 116 What appeared surprising to Bose at this critical juncture was the attitude of Jawaharlal, whom he had always held in respect for his radical socialistic views. He hoped that Nehru would definitely support him in his conflict with the old guard. But Nehru brought all sorts of allegations against him. In one of his letters he challenged Bose: “In effect you have functioned more as speaker than as a directing President."117 Bose was astonished when Nehru refuted his connections with the radical elements:118 “I rubbed and rubbed my eyes when I read the remark to the effect that inspite of his long association with the Congress, Panditji had never been closely associated with any particular group in it….. Pandit ji has for long been the spearhead of the radical forces of our country. I appeal to him in this fateful hour of our history to shake off his present vacillation and give a bold and correct lead to all the radical and progressive forces in the country". The later political developments alienated Bose and Nehru from each other and Bose attributed his defeat entirely to Nehru: Nobody has done more harm to me personally and to our cause in this crisis than Pandit Nehru. 119 This caustic remark is in one of his letters to his nephew Amiyanath. But it was no use blaming Nehru since he had surrendered his political leftism to his loyalty for Gandhi. He confessed this to Taya Zinkin: I had realized that, at that stage, whatever one’s view might be about the way India should develop, Gandhi was India. Anything that weakened Gandhi weakened India. So, I subordinate myself to Gandhi although I was in agreement with what Bose was trying to do.120
During the year as Congress President, Bose felt that he was being subverted by the Congress working committee which was having rightest majority. Inspite of opposition from Gandhi and his followers, Bose could have done much had the Left wing been able to maintain its unity after the election of Bose and passing of the ‘National Demand resolution. Before the Tripuri session on March 7, Bose met Gandhi at Wardha on February 15 in a bid to win his support. The meeting was unsuccessful and Gandhi remained firm on his own principles and was of the view that Bose was not sincere in seeking his support. Bose’s lack of co-operation with a majority of working committee members became an “effective barrier in a further co-operation between him and Gandhiji. On the eve of the Tripuri Congress, the events at Rajkot forced Gandhi to undertake a vow of fast unto death. Soon twelve members resigned from the working Committee and resigned after Bose, unfortunately, fell ill and sent a telegram requesting the postponement of the meeting. Nehru did not resign immediately but he gave the impression of being with the old guard. Maulana Azad took the chair and Bose read out the presidential address which was the shortest on record.124 In his address, Bose concentrated only on the vital burning problems: “The time has come for us to raise the issue of Swaraj and submit our national demand to the British Government in the form of an ultimatum …….. and give a certain time limit…… and if no reply is received, we should resort to such sanctions as we possess in order to enforce our National Demand. 125 Bose’s proposal was opposed by the Gandhi wing and Nehru. The All India Congress Committee adopted the report of the General Secretary against the wishes of the President, thrown out. Many delegates who had voted for Bose in the Presidential election started having second thoughts and changed their views because of Gandhi’s opposition and his threat that he might retire from politics. 126 “That was the first tussle. It showed which way the wind blew. 127 It was clear that it was an open conflict between Bose and Gandhi. So, it was a question of choosing between the two and the delegates certainly preferred Gandhi: “Congress and nation wanted Gandhi more than it did any other personality or programme, to guide it. The reasons for this lie buried in the social relationship that Gandhi had formed with the people of India….. Gandhi represented a degree of order, restraint, predictable leadership and Congress and the people eschewed any path which might lead to anarchy. Bose’s vehemence and impatience frightened people, although it also thrilled them. Gandhi’s personality and views were diametrically opposed to Bose’s and when the issue came to deciding between the two, Gandhi emerged supreme. 128
PANT RESOLUTION
After the first setback on the second day of the session, G.B. Pant had given a final notice to the President to move a resolution at its meeting: ‘In view of the various misunderstandings which have arisen in the Congress and the Country on account of the controversies in connection with the Presidential election and after, it is desirable that the Congress should clarify the position and declare its general policy.’ This Congress declares its firm adherence to the fundamental policies which have governed its programme in the past 20 years under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi and is definitely of opinion that there should be no break in these policies and they should continue to govern the Congress programme in future. The Congress expressed its confidence in the work of the Working Committee which functioned during the last year and regrets that any aspersions should have been cast against any of its members. In view of the critical situation that may develop during the coming year, and in view of the fact that Mahatma Gandhi alone can lead the Congress and the country to victory in such crises, the Congress regards it as imperative that the Congress executive should command its explicit confidence and request the President to nominate the Working Committee in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.129
“In view of the critical situation that may develop during the coming year, and in view of the fact that Mahatma Gandhi alone can lead the Congress and the Country to victory during such crisis, the Congress, regards it as imperative that the Congress executive should command its explicit confidence, and requests the President to nominate the Working Committee in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.”
The passing of the resolution with an overwhelming majority was indirectly an expression of the lack of confidence in the President. Bose’s plan to win the Congress on his side to launch an immediate movement was smashed. He left Tripuri with a bitter experience and utter disappointment.
The Pant resolution, therefore, was being considered afresh in search for any meaning that it did not contain so as to stretch it to support any possible action by President Bose to nominate a committee of his own. The report that Gandhiji had asked Mr.Bose to put his interpretation on the Pant resolution and get approval of the AICC for it is construed as a call for fresh trial of strength. Though no one seemed to be certain how things were shaping or might ultimately shape, of one thing most people seemed to be certain and it being that Calcutta might spring some surprises. The resolution which, as accepted in the Subject Committee the previous day, created a storm in the plenary session when Mr.Aney moved its reference to the AICC at a future convenient date in view of Subhas’ health.
The resolution was being interpreted in different ways. Mr.Srinivasa Iyengar said that if the resolution were to meet with the approval of the Congress at its open session, the only natural course for Subhas Bose would be to resign from the presidentship because there would be absolutely no initiative left in his hands in view of the last part of the resolution which requests the President to nominate the members of the Working Committee according to the advice of Mahatma Gandhi.
Mr.Rajagopalachari said the meaning of the resolution would be nothing more or less than what was conveyed in the letter of resignation submitted by the majority of the Working Committee ; namely, that there can be only one policy for the Congress and that it would not be possible for the Congress to advance even by an inch with incompatible groups within it.
Mr.Bulabhai Desai was, however, very reticent when questioned if the resolution amounted to a direct vote of censure on Mr.Bose. He said, “I leave it to your imagination”. Mr.Subhas Bose himself, it is understood, did not interpret it as vote of no-confidence against him. Prominent leftists, it may be remembered, characterized the resolution as a vote of censure on the President and an attempt to reduce him to the position of “a town crier”. There was a certain section among the Leftists which, it was understood, had been urging Mr.Bose to tender his resignation.
The press confidently asserted that Subhas Bose had not at all contemplated resignation and which, according to the close circle in touch with the President, did not arise at the movement. It was being pointed out that interpretation of the resolution adopted at the subject committee was made clear in unmistakable language by Pandit, presumably in consultation with the Congress leaders who had resigned after telephonic talk with Gandhiji.
The resolution was not a vote of censure either indirect or by inference or suggestion but was intended to create an atmosphere which should enable the old members of the Working Committee to rejoin Mr.Bose’s cabinet and ensure Mahatma Gandhi’s co-operation and advice. In the face of the unequivocal declaration by Pandit Pant, the Congress circle there felt that it was mischievous to suggest that the resolution had only one meaning that Mr.Subhas should tender his resignation as seams to have been done in certain messages emnating from Tripuri.
In fact, it appeared that Subhas Bose had been sounded by responsible Congress leaders that it would not be fair to put that interpretation on the Motion. It was believed that Mr.Bose would not take any precipitate action even if the resolution was endorsed by the majority of delegates at that evening’s session.
The CWC became the high command after it was made strong by Patel so that the Provincial Committees couldn’t be unduly strong and dominating and the Presidents of the Congress could not become high handed, over-bearing and over-powering. This is what hindered Subhas Bose’s path as the President. He had to take the consent of the high command before venturing into varied avenues. He could not possibly impose his will on the saner elements in the high command which lent the proceedings a democratic colour.
Bose made repeated attempts to come to an understanding with Gandhi. The Pant resolution had tied the hands of the President. Bose had himself declared that he would implement the Pant Resolution. Bose sought clarification and guidance from Gandhi on a number of issues in his letter of March, 1939.130 This was a very detailed and unambiguous letter in which Bose wanted to know whether Gandhi would like him to act independently or only as dummy President. In his letter of March 24, which was posted earlier to Bose’s letter Gandhi advised Bose to resign, if he was not keeping good wealth 131. Bose replied: “I have not the slightest desire to stick to office. But I do not see reason for resigning because I am ill. No president resigned when he was is prison, for instance. I may tell you that great pressure is being brought to bear on me to resign. I am resisting, because my resignation will mean a new phase in Congress politics which I want to avoid till the last." 132 In spite of the ultra vires clause in the Pant resolution, Bose wanted that it should be given effect to be moved and discussed. 133 But Gandhi was in no mood for a compromise: “since we met in February my opinion has become strengthened that where there are differences on fundamentals, as we agreed there were, a composite committee would be harmful. Assuming therefore, that your policy has the backing of the majority of All India Congress Committee, you should have a working committee, composed purely of those who believe in your policy 134 It may be mentioned that Gandhi did not empower Bose to appoint a homogenous Leftist cabinet. 135 Bose had wanted a strong determined and uncompromising war against the British. 136 the charge that he wanted to stick to his own position and to have his own way is not true. He was prepared to step down from office, if Gandhi was prepared to take the leadership in the struggle against the British. “it you takes up struggle, I shall most gladly help you to the best of my ability…….. All that I want is that you and the Congress should, in this critical hour, stand up and resume the struggle for swaraj. If self effacement will further the national cause, I assure you, most solemnly, that I am prepared to efface myself completely. I think I love my country sufficiently to be able to do this." 137
The Calcutta Congress
Bose wanted to make the last and final effort to remove the stalemate in the Congress affairs, before deciding to resign from the office. In consultation with Gandhi, 138 he therefore, decided to summon the meeting of the all India Congress Committee of Calcutta to settle the whole affair. Tagore tried to intervene in the political turmoil of the time in a bid to save the Congress from the impending split. In a desperate attempt to bring a rapprochement in the Congress circle, he wrote letters to Nehru and Gandhi. After the Tripuri Congress, he wrote to Gandhi on March 29,1939: “Dear Mahatma ji….. At the last Congress session some rude hands have deeply hurt Bengal with an ungracious persistence, please apply without delay balm to the wound with your own kind hands and prevent it from festering. 139 Gandhi remained impervious even to the request of Tagore. His reply was non-committal: “Dear Gurudev……... I have your letter full of tenderness The problem you set before me is difficult. I have made certain suggestions to Subhas. I see no other way out of the impasse". 140 Before the Calcutta Congress met, Nehru could sense the impending crisis and he too tried to bring a rapprochement between Bose and Gandhi 141 “I think now, as I thought in Delhi, that you should accept Subhas as President. To try to push him out seems to me to be an exceedingly wrong step. As for the working committee it is for you to decide….. After all, we must remember that by having a homogenous executive, we do not create a homogenous Congress. The latter is easier of achievement if we have a larger homogeneity in view". 142 Gandhi was not very much influenced by Nehru’s arguments but was persuaded by the latter to visit Calcutta at the time of the All India Congress Committee meeting. As soon as Gandhi arrived in Calcutta, Bose called on him and both the leaders had detailed discussions. Gandhi stuck to his old stand that he had repeated in his letters.143 He advised Bose to discuss the matters with the ex-members of the working committee to see if there could be a mutual settlement. Gandhi’s advice was incorporated in a letter and handed over to Bose who discussed the matter with his old colleagues but they failed to come to any agreement.144 In the open session of the all India Congress Committee, Bose read out Gandhi’s letter and gave a detailed account of his efforts to come to a settlement. Since no settlement could be possible and Gandhi was not prepared to oblige him in any of his requests, he made a statement tendering his resignation.145
Jayaprakash Narayan rightly said that no other organization except the Congress was capable of waging the independence struggle. Since Congress was firmly in the hands of Gandhi, the means of struggle was “the old Gandhian techinique, whether anyone likes it or not. 146
It was Gandhi in the end, who defeated Bose. Rabindranath Tagore, who had always advised Bose not to resign and demand the final reply from Gandhi, was very happy over his dignified role and sent him this message on his resignation: “The dignity and forbearance which you have shown in the midst of the most aggravating situation has won my admiration and confidence in your leadership” 147 Referring to Gandhi’s role, Hiren Mukherjee writes: It was one of the extremely few occasions when the great man, so cool and collected in his dignity, seemed small and peevish.148 Michael Edwardes, who had no reason to be partial or biased observes: “Gandhi now turned the technique of non-cooperation, not against the British, but against Congress’ own President. Bose was forced to resign…. Gandhi whom so many both in India and abroad believed to be compounded only of sweetness and light, had by the use of his overwhelming prestige and the sort of intrigue one would expect from Tammany Hall, succeeded in disposing of the only real opposition to his leadership.149 Michael Brecher agreed with this view. “of all participants only Gandhi had a clear and consistent object – to oust Bose” 150
Subhas Expelled From the Congress
Bose’s idea of a new party was a strong, centralized and well-disciplined All India Party, working amongst every section of the community. This Party was to have its representatives working in the Indian National Congress, in the All India Trade Union Congress, in the peasants’ organizations, in the women’s organizations and all other organizations of importance to serve the cause of the nation. The party of the future was to be a party of determined men and women prepared to sacrifice their life for the cause of the nation. The members of the party must have a clear notion of the work they would have to do before the conquest of power and thereafter, and who would have the necessary intellectual and Leftist training to make them fit for the required job.151 It will be the task of this party to deliver India from foreign yoke. Last but not the least, it will be the task of this party to lead India on to her honoured place among the free nations to the world.152 Bose’s conception of the new party for India was a pragmatic one, based on national considerations. Bose was not very optimistic about the role of the Congress Socialist Party, even though he welcomed it as a natural reaction against the Rightist policy of the Congress: “while the instinct that has urged the formation of the Congress Socialist Party is correct, I am afraid that there is some lack of clarity in the ideas of the party. To some people, again, Socialism is synonymous with Communism. Why then use a terminology which is used by different people in different senses.153
Alternative leadership
Great similarities can be found in the political thinking of Bose and M.N Roy and Jawaharlal Nehru who had met at the Karachi Congress and were drawn towards one another and, as a result of their efforts, the Congress adopted economic and social objectives. Since then the socio- economic programmes of the Congress assumed great importance. M.N.Roy was convinced about the importance of youth, workers and tillers of the soil and with a view to organizing the Labour force of the country, he formed the Indian Federation of Labour and was one of the pioneers of the Trade Union Movement in India.154 Like Bose, he challenged the leadership of Gandhi, and suggested that the Congress constitution should be changed in order to make it a dynamic organization. He criticized Gandhi as a reactionary and was firm in his view that “a religious, and cultural revivalist was bound to be a reactionary socially, however revolutionary he might appear politically.155 Bose analysed the Gandhi Movement from the dialectical point of view and explained that leftism was the anti-thesis of Gandhism. There was nothing to be afraid of the conflict between the thesis and the anti-thesis as it would be resolved in a ‘synthesis’, which, in turn, would become the thesis of the next stage of evolution. It may be pertinent to point out that even Jawaharlal Nehru, whom Gandhi declared as his virtual heir, developed acute differences with him.
Subhas Bose was expelled from the Congress by the Working Committee with the help of Gandhi on the plea that by advocating use of force against the British for liberation of India, he went against non-violence. Gandhi never dealt with any firmness with the recalcitrant the way he dealt with Subhas for allegedly going against his non-violence. When the Gandhi wing was strongly organized, the Leftist, inspite of the general popularity of Leftism, remained mostly scattered and unorganized Thus they were at a disadvantage because They were not organised under one leadership, as the Gandhi wing was. The whole problem before Bose was that the Right wing would not allow him to have his own way. Gandhi’s position was organizationally very strong as he had built up his own party within the Congress and, with its help, he was able to dominate the Congress organizations.158 The official wing of the Congress was led by Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad and others. This block was united under one centralized leadership
The Forward Block
The formation of the Forward Block at a critical juncture was forced by unavoidable circumstances and by the uncompromising attitudes of the High Command159 But in the beginning, Bose had never thought about organizing it as a separate political party, distinct from the Congress. The immediate task was to organize the radical anti-imperialist and progressive elements within the Congress “to fight the increasing drift towards constitutionalism, reconvert the Congress into a revolutionary organization and bring it back to the path of national struggle and prepare the country for the coming war erisis.160 It was hoped that with the progress of time, the Forward Block would draw into its fold all the radical and socialist group in the Congress161 The forward Block will function as an integral part of the Congress. It will cherish the highest respect and regard for Mahatma Gandhi’s personality and have complete faith in his political doctrine and non-violent non-cooperation. But that will not mean that the Forward Block will, necessarily, have confidence in the present High Command of the Cogress.162
In organizing the forward Block, Bose had two expectations. Firstly, in the event of a conflict with the Gandhi Wing in the future, he could fight more effectively and further he could hope to convert the whole Congress, one day, to his own point of view. In the event of any future crisis, he could act on his own, even if the Gandhi Wing did not support such a move.163 As soon as the Forward Block was launched, it created an internal crisis within the Congress and Bose was criticized for promoting the crisis at a critical juncture. Bose’s reply was “Personally, I am of the opinion that an internal crisis, today or tomorrow, is inevitable in view of the uncompromising attitude of the present High Command and their failure to move with times…. It would be much more desirable to face the internal crisis now, go through it and emerge out of it before the external crisis seizes us.164 He argued that if the Gandhi Seva Sangh did not create a split and destroy the Congress, there was no reason for the critics to apprehend that the creation of the forward Block would create a split and destroy the Congress. “Left consolidation will, in my view be a stepping stone towards real national unity, which is unity of action and not unity of inaction. Without Left consolidation, I do not see how we can arrive at real national unity.” 165
In April 1939, Bose had an interesting discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru in Calcutta, when he announced his desire to resign the presidentship of the Congress and organize a new party within the Congress that would, one day, move the Gandhi Wing and the entire Congress to militant action.166 Bose was of the view that India would repeat its mistake of 1914 if there was no well organized party ready to utilize the coming international crisis for winning freedom.167 Nehru, however, was not convinced by Bose’s arguments and pointed out that such a move would create a split in the Congress and would weaken it at a critical moment.
The Forward Block had its own ideology and programme from the time of its inauguration in May, 1939 and was an integral part of Congress, but after Bose’s expulsion from the Congress, it was declared to be a separate party at the second All India Congress held at Nagpur in June 1940.168 The left Consolidation Committee which had come into existence in June, 1939, became totally disintegrated because of the desertion of the other leftist parties. The Royalists or Radical Leaguers,169 the Congress Socialists and the Communists or the National Frontiers all deserted the Left Consolidation Committee. The Kisan Sabha of Swami Sahajanand and the Forward Block were the two parties which functioned as the spearhead of the Left Movement in the country.170 The concept of Left consolidation received a rude shock when at the time of the All India Anti Compromise Conference which was held at Ramgarh in March, 1940 it was found that the Royalists, Congress Socialists and National Frontiers boycotted the Conference and threw in their lot with the Gandhities.171 Answering the question as to why the Royists and other Leftists deserted the Left Consolidation Committee, Bose says, “So far as I can judge they are afraid of being expelled from the Congress and they feel, perhaps ,that once outside of the Congress they will be completely lost.172 Bose also knew that without the anti-imperialist front in the form of Left Consolidation Committee, it would not be possible to establish Leftist ascendency in the Congress and to resist the onslaught from the Rightists.173 The Forward Block, however, developed greatly since its birth, along with changes in the political scene.174 But its original intention to bring other Leftist Parties together on one platform failed. The reason for this is not far to seak.175
Bengal gave enthusiastic support to the Forward Bloc and its programme of action.176 There was sympathy for the movement all over the country and this led Gandhi and this followers to realize that the policy of cooperation with the British would not be supported by the people in general and “would surely lead to the loss of their influence and popularity. Consequently, they began to alter their attitude gradually.177 Bose wanted to mobilize all the available revolutionary energy of the nation by raising and equipping a Congress Volunteer corps on an all India basis, which would have ultimate and closer ties with other anti-imperialist organizations like Kisan Sabha and Trade Union Congress178, Youth Leagues and student movements. He suggested that a sub-committee of the Congress formulate a comprehensive programme for helping and guiding the people’s movement in the six hundred odd states.179 Bose was convinced that any revolutionary movement in India, for its success, needed real unity among the people.180 Through the Radical programme of the Forward Block, Bose expected to establish real unity.181
When Bose decided to challenge the Gandhians at the end of 1938, he found that his socialist colleague, his ‘political elder brother was not with him. Nehru did not view the Congress in quite the same Left vs. Right terms as Bose and thought Gandhi was the vital heart of the movement. Even Sarat Bose is reported to have said privately that Subhas should not have made suggestions which he could not prove.182 Nehru said that Bose had not changed and some of Bose’s actions made him realize ‘how difficult it was to work together with you.183 Nehru wanted a compromise between Bose and Gandhians. As he wrote to Gandhi in April 1939; Subhas has numerous failings but he is susceptible to a friendly approach.... To try to push him out seems to me to be an exceedingly wrong step.... But I do think the idea of homogeneity, if narrowly interpreted, will not lead to peace or effective working.184 From Nehru’s perspective, to prevent a split in the Congress, it was necessary to have Gandhi and the Gandhians in the leadership, and desirable to have Bose and other socialists. In a letter to Nehru on March 23,1939, Bose said to him... for some time past you have become completely biased against me.... since the Presidential election, you have done more to lower me in the estimation of the public than all the twelve ex-members of the Working Committee put together. Of course if I am such a villain, it is not only your right but also your duty to expose me before the public.185 Bose faced Gandhi’s unwillingness to compromise along with lack of allies. Bose said he was for a dynamic move from our side – for an ultimatum to the British Government demanding Purna Swaraj and could not understand why Nehru was not with him.186 Bose agreed that their appraoches to the international context were different. He wrote.... I have been urging....everybody....including Mahatma Gandhi and you, that we must utilize the international situation to India’s advantage and....present the British government with our National Demand in the form of an ultimatum, but I could make no impression on you or Mahatmaji, though a large section of the Indian Public approved of my stand.187 Rabindranath Tagore considered Subhas as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal. He spoke eloquently for a besieged Subhas and to him in our essay entitled Deshnayak (The leader of the country) he said in part: The Gita tells us that from time to time the eternal principle of good arises to challenge the reign of the evil... After a lapse of many years I am addressing..... one who has come into the full light of recognition.... I can only bless him.... knowing that he had made his country’s burden of sorrow his own, that his final reward is fast coming as his country’s freedom.188 In December 1939, Tagore asked Gandhi to have the ban on Subhas lifted and his cooperation cordially invited in supreme interest of national unity. 189 ‘Writing in Harijan in early 1940, Gandhi said, “The love of my concpetion, if it is as soft as a rose petal, can also be harder than flint.... I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son. I have fallen from grace. I had the pain of wholly associating myself with the ban pronounced by him".190
Bose stressed that to fight a war on a bigger and more intensive scale, there should be intellectual and practical preparation based on scientific and objective considerations. To fight this war against British imperialism, Bose emphasized the need for a party of determined men and women who will take upon themselves the task of delivering India no matter what the suffering and sacrifice may be: “whether India will be able to free herself... Her ability to produce the requisite leadership will be the test of her vitality and of her fitness for ‘Swaraj’.191 There should be a programme of action for the new party. The new party was not only to fight India’s battle for freedom, but it was the party, which Bose wanted, should take responsibility of post war reconstruction. It was to take up the tasks of guiding, controlling and developing the new state, and through the state, the entire Indian people.192 Nothing was to be left to chance. Everything should be neatly planned. But opposed to the view of Bose, Gandhi advocated in 1948, just before his death, that the Congress should not be allowed to continue as a political party.... but a non-political institution which should devote itself to social service and constructive work. Gandhi argued that the Congress “must be kept out of unhealthy competition” for power. He was of the view that the Congress was a movement and the movement did not cease after the independence of the country as most of the social problems had been left unsettled. As for those who aspired to have political office and pursue parliamentary or Governmental careers, he advised them to leave the Congress and form their non political parties. The proposal, sdhowever, was duly ignored as it disregarded the political dimension of the Congress as a Government party, after independence, when it was necessary to combine the functions of continuing the movement and a political party. 193
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT - A tussle between Congressites
Congress remained engrossed in the civil-disobedience campaign intermittently till 1934 and, consequently, happened to, unwittingly ignore international problems. Jawaharlal Nehru became the Congress President in Lucknow in 1936 and, thereafter, it was mainly he who formulated the Congress policies and evinced interest in international issues. It was largely because of him that the Congress developed a strong dislike for fascist powers and veered round to supporting the causes of democracy and freedom against the forces of Fascism, Nazism and Imperialism. As war seemed imminent in the wake of Nazi occupation of Czechosolovakia, the Congress Working Committee made it abundantly clear in August, 1939, that it would not welcome the imposition of war on India and it did not approve of the policy of sending Indian troops to the Middle East or the Far East. It gave a call for the boycott of the next Assembly session by its legislators. This set the cat among the pigeons and after the declaration of war by the British on 3rd September, 1939, the Viceroy declared war on India’s behalf against the Axis powers. Close on its heels came the promulgation of the Defence of India Ordinance which gave teeth of emergency powers of all kind to the Government. The Committee felt that conflict could not be resolved without liquidating imperialism. India was the crux of the problem. The committee, therefore, invited the British Government to declare in unequivocal terms what their aims regarding democracy, imperialism and the envisaged new order were. The meaning of the statement was abundantly clear that in order to obtain India’s support, Britain should immediately grant her freedom. The All India Congress Committee, on 9 and 10 October, 1939 endorsed the statement of the Working Committee.
In the aftermath of the failure of the Cripps Mission, it was C.Rajagopalachari alone who felt that it was Jinnah’s flat refusal to cooperate with the Congress in the formation of a National Government which had resulted in the sudden breakdown of negotiations with Cripps. Rajaji first moved towards Jinnah for a settlement. On behalf of the Congress, he immediately recognized the Muslim League as a political organization, next in importance to the Congress. Jinnah promised not to, thereafter, dub the Congress as a Hindu body. The talks could not proceed further owing to Jinnah’s demand to have fifty percent share in political power at the centre. At the meeting of the Madras Legislative Congress party on 23rd April, 1942, convened by Rajagopalachari himself, the purport of Rajaji’s speech was that the Congress should recognize the demand for Pakistan and appealed to them to get rid of their pre-conceived notions and to face facts. He felt that the Muslim demand for separate existence could only be prevented through a civil war. Rajaji got not bouquets but brickbats from the Congress High Command. According to Nehru it was a “dangerous solution”. He was definitely opposed to the vivisection of India. Azad also disfavoured the move and according to J.B.Kriplani, it was tentamount to repudiating the Congress aims and its historical past, its struggles and sufferings. Only Mian Iftikharuddin, the President of the Punjab Provincial Congress Committee praised Rajagopalachari for his bold initiative and termed it as a “unity of India” move. B.S.Moonje, the Hindu Mahasabha leader found the move “most humiliating”. But Gandhi appreciated Rajaji and said “It reflects the greatest credit on him. He is entitled to a respectful hearing. His motive is lofty.” Soon, Rajagopalachari’s membership of the Madras Legislative Assembly was questioned by Vallabhbhai Patel, the president of Congress Parliamentary Board. Thereupon, Rajgopalachari, B.Sambamurthy, the ex-speaker, Dr.Rajan and Ramanathan, two ex-ministers and eight others resigned their membership of the Assembly.
Gandhiji strongly felt now that the British should leave India in an orderly manner. Once the idea took roots, it gripped him completely. Now he started devoting almost all his working time to the elucidation and justification of his formula which soon became famous as the Quit India demand. He argued that by liberating India, Great Britain would strengthen the moral stand of the Allied powers that they were fighting for freedom and democracy. He believed that peaceful withdrawal by Britain from her biggest colony on the strength of bare inherent justice of the cause would serve as an eye-opener to the warring nations, particularly to the Axis powers who harboured a deep grudge against the imperialist powers for possessing colonial dominions. Soon they might, he believed, realize the futility of war. A completely different Gandhi now emerged on the political scene. Previously sympathetic to the Allied cause, he had transformed into a determined antagonist of the British. Could an unarmed India protect herself against the Japanese might. Was there any ground to believe that in the wake of British withdrawal, the Japanese would not travel into India? How long would the Allied army be able to defend India? One of the British Generals had publically stated that they could not defend the whole of India. But Gandhi was convinced that powerful non-violent action could change the whole situation. The Japanese, if they encroached into India, would run into a non-violent non-cooperative nation. In such an event, they would have to either retreat or to exterminate the whole nation. The Japanese could hardly face the latter course.
Acting on this hypothesis, Gandhi prepared a draft resolution for consideration by the Congress High Command. Gandhi had been vigorously and regularly been contributing articles on Quit India Movement in the Harijan which had, naturally, conditioned the minds of a large section of the Congress members. This pro-active stance of Gandhi surprised many of his followers. Gandhi seemed totally motivated and possessed and was in a very non-conciliatory frame of mind, unlike his earlier approach to men and matters. His unprecedented stand flabbergasted Nehru who felt Gandhi could not have compromised his hatred for Fascism and Nazism because of his distaste for the British rule. He could not comprehend how a demand for immediate British withdrawal in the midst of life and death struggle could bring India’s independence. How could he have forestalled inevitable Japanese invasion ? How, after asking the British to quit, could the Congress claim that it was following a policy of non-embarrassment? And, Nehru was not done yet. Several others entertained similar misgiving and doubts about the efficacy of the Gandhian scheme.
Knowing well Nehru’s and Azad’s mental reservations about his scheme and knowing that his personal presence would hinder a free discussion, Gandhi sent his draft resolution through Meera Ben for consideration at the CWC meeting on 27 April, 1942. On the basis of this draft, Rajendra Prasad prepared the following resolution:
Whereas the British War Cabinet’s proposals sponsored by Sir Stafford Cripps have shown up British imperialism in its nakedness as never before, the AICC has come to the following conclusions:
The AICC is of the opinion that Britain is incapable of defending India. It is natural that whatever she does is for her own defence. There is an internal conflict between Indian and British interests. It follows that their notions of defence would also differ……… The Indian army has been maintained uptill now mainly to hold India in subjugation. ……..This policy of mistrust still continues and it is the reason why national defence is not entrusted to India’s elected representatives.
Japan’s quarrel is not with India. She is warring against the British Empire. India’s participation in the war has not been with the consent of the representatives of the Indian people. It was purely a British act. If India were freed, her first step would probably be to negotiate with Japan. The Congress is of the opinion that if the British withdrew from India, India would be able to defend herself in the event of Japanese or any other aggressor attacking India. The AICC is, therefore, of the opinion that the British should withdraw from India. The plea that they should remain in India to protect the Indian princes is wholly untenable. It is additional proof of their determination to maintain their hold over India.
For all the reasons, the committee appeals to Britain, for the sake of her own safety, for the sake of India’s safety and for the cause of world peace to let go of her hold on India even if she does not give up all Asiatic and African possessions.
A number of Congress leaders including Nehru, Azad, Asaf Ali, Bulabhai Desai and Rajgopalachari were opposed to this resolution. On the other hand, persons like Patel, Prasad and J.B.Kriplani were in favour of it. After prolonged discussion on the resolution, Nehru submitted a separate draft. Though Rajendra Prasad’s resolution was carried and Nehru’s lost. At the President’s(Azad”s) intervention the committee unanimously accepted Nehru’s draft. This resolution was later endorsed by AICC at Allahabad (29 April to 2 May, 1942).
So, there is no denying that there had been a prolonged tussle between the Congressites during the unfolding of the Mahatma’s ‘Brahmaastra’- the Quit India Movement. This movement brought to the fore Gandhiji’s hitherto unseen facet of personality when he chose not to leave any room for reconciliation with the British. This was a revelation to his avid and dedicated followers as well as his detractors. Hence, there was a perceptible taking of sides and positions among the Congressmen. If ideological differences ruled the roost, personal loyalty to political idols of different hues played havoc with the conhesion and fairplay of the party. Ever since its inception in 1923, the Swaraj Party created dissentions and desertations. Events leading to Bose’s return, his expulsion and the formation of Forward Block also see an upheaval in the party cadre, ranks and, of course, leaders. The Pant resolution made congressites look for cover and a chance to run down the adversary. And, above all, the Quit India Movement almost caused a vertical split in the party. Thus, the Congress had to tread a very tricky and slippery path on the highway of the freedom movement. May be the pole positions taken by the leaders over issues of common interest and the overt and covert clashes of ideology alongwith an eye for political positioning, name and recognition besides the desire to ascend to the peak of political power, worked in tandem to give the British the confidence to apply the policy of devide and rule to complete fruition which has, sadly trickled down to the modern times, may be.
Bose’s statement regarding the post war preparedness of the leaders for undertaking the gigantic responsibility of re-construction has proved to be prophetic: “.... It should, therefore, be clear that the generals of the war-time period in India will have to carry through the whole programme of post-war reform in order to justify to their countrymen the hopes and aspirations that they will rouse during the fight. The tasks of these leaders will not be over till a new generation of men and women is educated and trained after the establishment of the new state and this new generation is able to take complete charge of their country’s affairs.194
- Dr. Bhanu Kapil, Udaipur
REFERENCES:
1. Report of the Forty-second Indian National Congress, Madras, 28-31, December, 1927 (Madras, n.d.), pp.4-11.
2. Report of the Forth-third Indian National Congress, 1928 (Calcutta, The Reception Committee, n.d.), p.95.
3. Report of the Forth ninth Session of the Indian National Congress, Lucknow, 1936 (Allahabad, The All India Congress Committee, 1936), pp.44-47.
4. Bimla Prasad, The Origins of Indian Foreigner Policy (Calcutta, 1960), pp.138-43.
5. The Indain National Congress, 1939-10 (Allahabad, A.I.C.C. n.d), pp.10-1.
6. Ibid.
7. An Indian Pilgrim, p.93.
8. Netaji – The Man, p.158.
9. He was the Commander-in-Chief of Siraj-ud-Daula and perpetuated treachery against his master in the Battle of Plassey in 1757 with the hope of getting the thrown with the help of Clive.
10. Netaji - The Man, pp. 158-59.
11. Ibid., pp.161-62.
12. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-34, p.88.
13. Cf. Satyagraha was a contribution of two words – ‘Sat’ and ‘Agraha’ Gandhi explained the meaning of ‘Sat’ as truth and that of ‘Agraha’ as firmness. Jointly the two terms meant firm assertion of truth. Satyagraha implied non-submission to wrong and injustice and in the process willingly accepting plain and suffering. The efficacy of the weapon had already been tried in Champaran, Khaira and Ahmedabad.
14. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.54-55.
15. Ayer, Introduction, Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.12.
16. Ibid.
17. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, p.41.
18. Bose The Indain Struggle 1920-42, p.55
19. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, pp.42.
20. Ibid.
21. Sec R. Palme Dutt, India Today, pp.344-46.
22. Huge Toye, The Springing Tiger, p.29.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Young India, December 15,1921.
27. Pilgrimage to Freedom (Bombay, 1967), p.23.
28. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.67
29. Azad, Indian Wins Freedom, p.15.
30. Bose, op. cit., p.68
31. Ibid., pp.69-70.
32. Ibid., p.70.
33. Mahatma Gandhi (London, 1942), p.132.
34. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.72.
35. Autobiography, p.81.
36. Gandhi – A Study in Revolution (London, 1968), p.300.
37. Autobiography, p.86, Indian National Movement, p.104.
38. Indian National Movement, p.104.
39. R.Palme Dutt, India Today, p.353.
40. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.78.
41. Ibid., 79.
42. – Jog, in Freedom’s Quest, pp.46-47.
43. – The Springing Tiger, p.30.
44. Between the Symbol and the Idol at Last (New Delhi, 1964), p.49.
45. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.83 46. Ibid.
47. Jog, The Freedom’s Quest, p.47.
48. Marcus F. Franda, Radical Politics in West Bengal (Cambridge, 1971), p.26.
49. B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi – A Biography, p.142.
50. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.87.
51. B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi – A Biography, p.143.
52. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.102.
53. Leonard A. Gordon, Bengal – The Nationalist Movement, (New Delhi, 1974), p.224.
54. Hugh Toye, The Springing Tiger, pp.30-31.
55. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.95.
56. Ibid., footnote.
57. See Azad, India Wins Freedom, p.18.
58. Hugh Toye, The Springing Tiger, p.31.
59. The Indian Struggle, 190-42, pp.95-96.
60. Gupta, They Lived Dangerously, p.318.
61. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.174.
62. Toye, The Springing Tiger, pp.31-32.
63. Ibid., p.32.
64. Ibid.
65. R.C. Majumdar, History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. III, pp.255-61.
112. History of the Indian National Congress, Vol.III, p.105.
113. R.P. Dutt, India Today, p.533.
114. Bose, Cross Road, pp.105-106.
115. Ibid.
116. J.S. Bright (Ed.) Important Speeches and Writings of Subhas Bose, p.251.
117. Nripendra Nath Mitra, op. cit., vol. II, July 1945, pp.54-55.
118. Ibid.
119. Ibid.
120. Azad, India Wins Freedom, p.36.
121. J.S. Bright (Ed.) Important Speeches and Writings of Subhas Bose, p.255.
122. __Why did India Not Follow Subhas Chandra Bose in 1939?
123. A Beacon Across India (Ed.) Bose, Wealth and Ayer, p.90.
124. Ibid.
125. J.S. Bright, (Ed.) op. cit., pp.249-50.
126. Ibid.
127. Sitaramayya, op.cit., p.258 9.
128. For details of the Speech, see Appendix IV.
129. For details of the Speech, see Appendix IV.
130. Netaji Subhas in my Estimate, in Netaji Subhas: Valient Son of India, p.9.
131. Sitaramayya, op. cit., vol. II, p.110.
132. Heimsath, why did India not Follow Subhas Bose in 1939?
133. Sitaramayya, op. cit., vol. II, p. 110.
134. J.S. Bright (Ed.), op. cit., pp.275-77.
135. Ibid., p.177
136. Ibid., p.280
137. Ibid., p.279.
138. Ibid., p.281.
139. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, pp.110-111.
140. Nripendra Nath Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, vol.II, July – Dec. (Calcutta), pp.56-57.
141. J.S. Bright (Ed.) op. cit., pp.285-88.
142. Ibid., p.307-309.
143. Krishna Bose, “Rabindranath and Subhas Chandra”, The Sunday Amrita Bazar Patrika, May 6, 1973.
144. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, p.157.
145. Nripendra Nath Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, 1939, vol. I, pp.345-46; Also see Bose, Cross Roads, pp.379-80.
146. Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters, pp.379-80.
147. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.109
148. Ibid., p.110.
149. The Springing Tiger, pp.58-59.
150. Jayaprakash Narayan, Towards Struggle, p.140.
151. Shri Ram Sharma ed., Netaji: His Life and Work, pp.V-VII.
152. H.Mukherjee, The Gentle Colossus, p.78.
153. Edwardes, The Last Years of British India, p.67.
154. Brecher, Nehru, a Political Biography, p.245.
155. “The Meaning of Leftism”, published in What We Believe (Calcutta, 1948), pp.12-28.
156. Ibid., p.378.
157. The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.383-84.
158. M.N. Roy, Poverty of Plenty, pp.XX – XXIV
159. M.N. Roy, Memoirs, p.379.
160. –A.I.C.C at Wardha, January, 1942.
161. Leonard A Gordon, Bengal: The National Movement, 1876-1940, p.275.
162. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.330. 163. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.115.
164. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indain Revoltuion, p.54.
165. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.113.
166. Ibid., p.114.
167. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.334.
168. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, pp.114-15.
169. Ibid., pp.335-36.
170. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.335.
171. Ibid., pp.335-36.
172. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution, p.59.
173. Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution, p.47.
174. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandrar Bose, p.119.
175. Ibid.
176. Ibid., p.121.
177. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revoltuion, p.54
178. Ibid.
179. Ibid.
180. Sitaramayya, op. cit., Vol. II, pp.114-15.
181. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.340.
182. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose p.116.
183. Ibid., p.117
184. Ibid., p.123.
185. Sitaramayya, Vol. II, op. cit., p.115.
186. See Jawaharlal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1958. Letters of Nehru to Bose, Feb., 1939, 317-21, and Patel’s frank letter to Nehru, February 8, 1939, 322.
187. Nehru, Bunch, 350-63 Letters of April 3,1939.
188. Nehru, Works, Vol. 9, 553-54, Letters of April 17, 1939.
189. Bose Crossroads, 115-130. Letters of March, 28, 1939.
190. Bose Crossroads, 127
191. Bose Crossroads,117
192. Rabindranath Taghore, ‘Deshnayak’, Original in Kalantar (End of an Era), Calcutta: Visva Bharti, 1962, 371-76.
193. Tagore’s telegram to Gandhi in Gandhi, Works, vol. LXXI, 50, footnote, 2.
194. Gandhi, Works, Vol. LXXI, 94, from ‘The Charkha’, Harijan, January 13, 1940.
195. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.358-59.
196. Ibid., p.370.
197. Rajni Kothari, Politics in India (1972), p.155.
जब वर्षा की कमी हो जाती है तो उसे सूखा कहते हैं। सूखे के कारण पशु-पक्षियों के लिये चारा-पानी तथा मनुष्यों के लिये अनाज एवं पेयजल की कमी हो जाती है जिसे अकाल कहते हैं। राजस्थान में हर वर्ष किसी न किसी क्षेत्र में सूखा एवं अकाल पड़ता है। जिस वर्ष प्रदेश के 20 प्रतिशत या उससे अधिक क्षेत्र में वर्षा कम होती है, उस वर्ष को सूखा वर्ष घोषित किया जाता है। सूखे एवं अकाल की परिस्थितियां गंभीर हो जाती हैं तो उसे गंभीर सूखा वर्ष घोषित किया जाता है। जिस क्षेत्र में प्रति पाँच वर्ष में एक बार सूखे की स्थिति उत्पन्न होती है उसे सूखा संभाव्य क्षेत्र कहते हैं। जल की कमी होने पर जल अकाल, अन्न की कमी होने पर अन्न अकाल तथा तृण की कमी होने पर तृण अकाल कहते हैं। जब जल, अन्न और तृण तीनों की कमी हो जाती है तो उसे त्रिकाल कहते हैं।
सूखा एवं अकाल के प्रमुख कारण
प्राकृतिक विषमता : राज्य में सूखे एवं अकाल के प्रमुख कारणों में राज्य की ज्यामितीय एवं सापेक्ष स्थिति, वर्षा की अल्प मात्रा, वर्षा का अनिश्चित एवं अनियमित वितरण, जलवायु दशाओं की अतिशयता, राज्य के 60 प्रतिशत भू-भाग पर रेगिस्तान का विस्तार, अरावली पर्वत माला का दक्षिण-पश्चिम मानसून के समानान्तर होना एवं प्राकृतिक प्रकोपों यथा टिड्डी दलों द्वारा फसलों का नष्ट होना शामिल है।
मानवीय कुप्रबंधन : प्राकृतिक कारणों के साथ-साथ मानवीय कुप्रबंधन भी सूखे एवं अकाल को जन्म देता है। इन कारणों में वर्षा जल के एकत्रीकरण एवं प्रबंधन के प्राचीन एवं परंपरागत तरीकों को परित्याग, जनसंख्या में तीव्र गति से वृद्धि, कृषि पर अत्यधिक निर्भरता, वनोन्मूलन, मिट्टी का अपरदन, आधारभूत सुविधाओं की कमी, सिंचाई साधनों की कमी, निर्धनता एवं बेरोजगारी आदि सम्मिलित हैं।
सूखे एवं अकाल के क्षेत्र
पश्चिमी राजस्थान के 12 जिले सूखे व अकाल के स्थायी क्षेत्र हैं। इसमें जैसलमेर, बाड़मेर, बीकानेर, जोधपुर, गंगानगर, हनुमानगढ़, चूरू, पाली, जालोर, सीकर व झुंझुनूं जिले आते हैं। इन जिलों में राज्य का 61.11 प्रतिशत क्षेत्रफल है जिनमें राज्य की 40 प्रतिशत जनसंख्या निवास करती है। इन जिलों में मरुस्थल की उपस्थिति है, वर्षा का औसत कम है। उच्च तापक्रम के कारण जलवाष्पन की गति अधिक है। राज्य में अकाल के क्षेत्रों के विषय में एक दोहा कहा जाता है-
पग पूगल धड़ कोटड़ा, उदरज बीकानेर
भूलो चूको जोधपुर, ठावो जैसलमेर।
अकाल का इतिहास
प्रदेश में सूखे एवं अकाल का लम्बा इतिहास है। ई.1783 (वि.सं. 1840) में पड़े अकाल को चालीसा का अकाल कहा जाता है। ई.1812-13 के अकाल को पंचकाल कहा गया। ई.1868-69 में त्रिकाल पड़ा। ई.1899-1900 (वि.सं. 1956) को छप्पनिया अकाल कहा जाता है। राज्य में अकाल को लेकर एक कहावत कही जाती है- तीजो कुरियो आठवों काल। अर्थात् एक वर्ष छोड़कर एक वर्ष में अर्द्ध अकाल होता है तथा प्रति आठवें वर्ष में भीषण अकाल पड़ता है।
प्राकृतिक आपदाओं की भविष्यवाणी के लिये संस्थाएं
मौसम विभाग : राजस्थान में मौसम सम्बन्धी सूचनाओं को एकत्र करने एवं उसकी भविष्यवाणी करने के लिये केंद्र सरकार के अधीन मौसम विभाग के कार्यालय स्थापित किये गये हैं। इन कार्यालयों से आकाशवाणी, दूरदर्शन, दैनिक समाचार पत्र एवं मीडिया एजेंसियों को मौसम सम्बन्धी सूचनाएं उपलब्ध करवायी जाती हैं।
टिड्डी नियंत्रण कार्यालय : केन्द्र सरकार के अधीन खोले गये टिड्डी कार्यालय पूरे राज्य में खोले गये हैं। ये कार्यालय टिड्डियों के प्रजनन एवं माइग्रेशन पर दृष्टि रखते हैं तथा उनके नियंत्रण के लये कार्यवाही करते हैं।
रिमोट सेंसिंग सेंटर : जोधपुर में 1988 में रिमोट सेंसिंग सेंटर स्थापित किया गया। यह केंद्र उपग्रहों के माध्यम से कृषि, वानिकी, शहरी विकास आदि कार्यों से सम्बन्ध रखने वाले तत्वों- बाढ़, सूखा, अतिवृष्टि, आंधियां, भूकम्प, ज्वालामुखी आदि प्राकृतिक आपदाओं के आकलन एवं निराकरण के सम्बन्ध में सूचनाएं एकत्रित करता है। देश में ऐसे पाँच केन्द्र हैं।
राजस्थान में सूखा एवं अकाल प्रबंधन
राजस्थान में अकाल प्रबंधन का कार्य जिला प्रशासन द्वारा संचालित किया जाता है। इसके अंतर्गत पशुओं के लिये चारा डिपो खोलना, वाटर टैंकरों के माध्यम से मानवों एवं पशुओं के लिये पेयजल उपलब्ध करवाना, पशुओं के लिये उपचार उपलब्ध करवाना एवं मानवों के लिये रोजगार उपलब्ध करवाने हेतु अकाल राहत कार्य खोलना सम्मिलित है। जब से राज्य में मनरेगा योजना आरंभ हुई है तब से अकाल एवं सूखा प्रबंधन में रोजगार गतिविधियां सम्मिलित नहीं की जाती हैं।
ई.1901 में जनता के चंदे से भारतीय क्लब के रूप में ट्रेवर हॉल का निर्माण किया गया। बाद में ट्रेवर के अनुरोध पर इसे टाउन हॉल बना दिया गया तथा म्युन्सिपल कमेटी को सौंप दिया गया। 1 मार्च 1901 को अजमेर में जनगणना करवाई गयी। इस जनगणना में अजमेर नगर में 73,839 मनुष्यों का निवास करना पाया गया। इनमें से 46,298 हिन्दू, 25,569 मुसलमान, 1,871 ईसाई तथा 101 अन्य धर्मावलम्बी थे।
ई.1902 में जनरल मैनेजर के अधीन कोर्ट ऑफ वार्ड्स की स्थापना की गयी। 18 नवम्बर 1902 को वायसराय एवं गवर्नर जनरल लॉर्ड कर्जन अजमेर आया। उसने मेयो कॉलेज में एक भाषण दिया जिसमें उसने कुलीन वर्गों के भारतीय जनता पर वास्तविक प्रभाव की चर्चा की। उस वर्ग के विद्यार्थियों को कॉलेज में बुलाकर उन चीजों की शिक्षा देना जो उनके काम नहीं आयेंगी, व्यर्थ था। पोलो खेलने की उसने फिर से निंदा की। वर्ष 1902-03 में अजमेर म्युनिसपलिटी की आय 1,83,000 रुपये थी। अजमेर की उस समय की जनसंख्या के आधार पर म्युनिसपलिटी की प्रति व्यक्ति से आय 2 रुपये आठ आने थी। ई.1904 में अजमेर में को-ऑपरेटिव क्रेडिट मूवमेंट आरंभ हुआ।
ई.1904 में आनासागर के किनारे की बारादरी, नया बाजार की बादशाही बिल्डिंग, अढाई दिन का झौंपड़ा, ब्यावर रोड पर रेलवे गुड्स शेड के निकट अब्दुल्लाह खां का मकबरा, दरगाह ख्वाजा में सोला खुम्भा तथा कोस मीनार को मोन्यूमेंट प्रिजर्वेशन एक्ट 1904 के अंतर्गत संरक्षित भवन घोषित किया गया। किशनगढ़ से अजमेर के बीच में आज भी आठ कोसमीनारें स्थित हैं। इनका निर्माण अकबर ने करवाया था। ये कोस मीनारें यात्रियों के लिये मील के पत्थर के रूप में कार्य करती थीं।
ई.1905 में अजमेर में जल आपूर्ति के प्रशन को हल करने के लिए भारत का सेनेटरी कमिश्नर मि.लेस्ली अजमेर आया। 4 अप्रेल 1906 को भारत का वायसराय एवं गवर्नर जनरल लॉर्ड मिण्टो अजमेर आया।
ई.1907 में आनासागर के तट पर स्थित बारादरियों का पुनर्निर्माण करवाया गया। अजमेर में स्वच्छ जल की आपूर्ति की व्यवस्था करने के लिए मि.सिल्फ को अजमेर भेजा गया।
3 जनवरी 1907 को अफगानिस्तान का अमीर हबीबुल्लाहखां अजमेर आया। वह प्रातः 10 बजे विशेष ट्रेन से अजमेर पहुँचा तथा ट्रेन से उतरकर सीधा ख्वाजा की दरगाह के लिये रवाना हो गया। वह ख्वाजा की दरगाह तक जूते पहनकर गया। ऐसा करने वाला वह पहला व्यक्ति था। वह तथा उसके 44 सरदार आनासागर के किनारे बनी बारादरियों में ठहरे। वह दस घण्टे अजमेर में ठहरा। उसने दोपहर का भोजन अजमेर में खाया तथा रात्रि का भोजन ट्रेन में खाया।
ई.1908 में अजमेर-मेरवाड़ा में आबकारी विभाग की स्थापना की गयी तथा शराब बनाने की मद्रास पद्धति अपनायी गयी। 19 अक्टूबर 1908 को अजमेर में राजपूताना म्यूजियम की स्थापना की गयी। ई.1909 में अजमेर में भयंकर फ्लेग फैला। इसी वर्ष अजमेर में रेलवे बिसेट इंस्टीट्यूट की स्थापना की गयी। ई.1910 में मि. लुप्टन ने तीस वर्षीय सैटलमेंट बनाया।
1870 से ब्रिटिश सरकार भारतीय राजाओं एवं राजकुमारों को सभ्य बनाने के मिशन पर कार्य कर रही थी किंतु इसका परिणाम यह रहा था कि अंग्रेजीयत में रचे-बसे राजा और राजकुमार अपने ही राज्यों में अलोकप्रिय होते जा रहे थे। ई. 1910 तक आते-आते यह मिशन असफल मान लिया गया तथा इस मिशन की असफलता का उत्तरदायित्व स्थानीय पोलिटिकल अधिकारियों पर डाल दिया गया। उनके अभिमानी तथा प्रभुतासम्पन्न व्यवहार को बलि का बकरा बना दिया गया।
अब संचार के नये साधन विकसित हो चुके थे जिससे एजीजी का सीधा सम्पर्क वायसराय से निरंतर बना रहने लगा। इसलिये अब स्थानीय पोलिटिकल अधिकारियों को डाकघर के समान बना दिया गया जिसमें उनके लिये स्वविवेक तथा निर्णय लेने का अधिकार जैसी बातों की संभावना नहीं रह गई। अब तक विभिन्न रियासतों में पोलिटिकल अधिकारी 10 से 13 साल तक कार्यरत रहते थे किंतु अब उनका कार्यकाल छोटा कर दिया गया। साथ ही राजाओं को विदेश जाने की अनुमति देने पर रोक लगा दी ताकि उन पर अंग्रेजियत का रंग और न चढ़े।
वस्तुतः भारतीय नरेश अंग्रेजों के लिये सुरक्षा कवच की तरह थे। राजाओं तथा उनकी पुरानी परम्पराओं को भारतीय जनता पसंद करती थी इसलिये राजाओं के बने रहने पर अंग्रेजों के राज्य को कोई खतरा नहीं था।
मार्ले-मिण्टो सुधार
ई.1911 में देश में मार्ले मिण्टो सुधार लागू किये गये जिनके कारण ब्रिटिश भारत के प्रांतों के प्रशासन में बड़ा परिवर्तन आया किंतु अजमेर-मेरवाड़ा के प्रशासन में कोई परिवर्तन नहीं किया गया।
ब्रिटिश महारानी अजमेर में
21 दिसम्बर 1911 को ब्रिटेन की महारानी मैरी अजमेर आई। उसके साथ डचेज ऑफ डेवोनशायर, दी अर्ल एण्ड काउण्टेस ऑफ शाफ्ट्सबरी तथा सम्मानित वेनेटिया बेरिंग भी अजमेर आये। वह सायं साढ़े तीन बजे अजमेर पहुँची तथा रेजीडेंसी में ठहरी। वह उसी सायं मेयो कॉलेज तथा आनासागर झील देखने गई। 22 दिसम्बर को प्रातः 10 बजे वह तीर्थराज पुष्कर के दर्शन करने गई। वहाँ से लौटने के बाद सायं 4 बजे वह ख्वाजा की दरगाह तथा उसके बाद ढाई दिन का झौंपड़ा देखने गई। 23 दिसम्बर को प्रातः 10 बजे वह देवली के लिये रवाना हो गई।
एडवर्ड मेमोरियल हॉल
6 मई 1911 को इंगलैण्ड के राजा एडवर्ड सप्तम का निधन हो गया। उसकी स्मृति में ई.1912 में अजमेर में किंग एडवर्ड मेमोरियल हॉल बनाया गया। इसके लिये जोधपुर दरबार सरदारसिंह की तरफ से 10,000 रुपया दिया गया और समग्र भारतीय यादगार के लिये एक अच्छी रकम दी गई। जोधपुर नरेश सरदारसिंह की तरफ से मेयो कॉलेज के चारों ओर के स्थानों को सुधारने के लिये एक लाख रुपया दिया गया।
लॉर्ड हाडिंग अजमेर में
16 नवम्बर 1912 को भारत वायसराय लॉर्ड हार्डिंग अजमेर आया।
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी : प्रजामण्डल आंदोलन के प्रमुख नेता - जयनारायण व्यास
21.12.2021
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी - 183
राजस्थान ज्ञानकोश प्रश्नोत्तरी : प्रजामण्डल आंदोलन के प्रमुख नेता - जयनारायण व्यास
1. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास का जन्म कब एवं कहाँ हुआ?
उतर- 18 फरवरी 1899 को जोधपुर में एक साधारण पुष्करणा परिवार में।
2. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास का कार्यक्षेत्र क्या था?
उतर- वे सुप्रसिद्ध स्वतंत्रता सेनानी, प्रजामण्डल आंदोलन के नेता, पत्रकार, कवि, संपादक, लेखक, संगीतकार, नर्तक एवं राजनेता भी थे।
3. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास ने जोधपुर में किस संस्था की स्थापना की?
उतर- ई.1917-18 में उन्होंने जोधपुर में पुष्करणा नवयुवक मण्डल की स्थापना की।
4. प्रश्न - दिल्ली में किस नेता को एक जुलूस का नेतृत्व करते हुए देखकर जयनारायण के मन में देश प्रेम उत्पन्न हुआ?
उतर- स्वामी श्रद्धानंद।
5. प्रश्न - ई.1924 में गठित मारवाड़ हितकारिणी सभा का मंत्री किसे बनाया गया?
उतर- जयनारायण व्यास।
6. प्रश्न - यह कविता किसकी लिखी हुई है- मोनै एड़ौ दी जो राज म्हारा राजाजी। गाँव-गाँव में पंच चुणीजै, करै राज रो काज। म्हारा राजाजी। पंचां मांय सूं बणै मिनिस्टर, पंच चलावै राज। म्हारा राजाजी?
उतर- जयनारायण व्यास।
7. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास कितनी बार जेल गये?
उतर- पांच बार।
8. प्रश्न - किस महाराजा ने जोधपुर महाराजा उम्मेदसिंह को पत्र लिखकर आगाह किया कि व्यासजी भविष्य में आने वाले लोकतंत्र की धरोहर हैं, उन्हें संभाल कर रखा जाये। उन पर अत्याचार न किये जायें।
उतर- बीकानेर महाराजा गंगासिंह।
9. प्रश्न - अखिल भारतीय देशी राज्य लोक परिषद् में जयनारायण व्यास को क्या भूमिका दी गई?
उतर- ई.1939 से 1949 तक व्यासजी अखिल भारतीय देशी राज्य लोक परिषद् के महामंत्री रहे।
10. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास जोधपुर रियासत की लोकप्रिय सरकार के मुख्यमंत्री कब बनाये गये?
उतर- ई.1948 में।
11. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास पहली बार राजस्थान के मुख्यमंत्री कब बने?
उतर- 26 अप्रेल 1951
12. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास दूसरी बार राजस्थान के मुख्यमंत्री कब बने?
उतर- 1 नवम्बर 1952
13. प्रश्न - जयनारायण व्यास के किस सहयोगी मंत्री ने उनके नेतृत्व को चुनौती दी?
उतर- 6 नवम्बर 1954 को उनके मंत्रिमण्डल के सहयोगी मोहनलाल सुखाड़िया ने व्यासजी के नेतृत्व को चुनौती दी। माणिक्यलाल वर्मा ने सुखाड़िया का समर्थन किया जिससे सुखाड़िया जीत गये। व्यासजी को हटना पड़ा।
14. प्रश्न - व्यासजी राज्यसभा के सदस्य कब चुने गये?
उतर- ई.1960 में।
15. प्रश्न - व्यासजी ने किन समाचार पत्रों का संपादन किया?
उतर- अखंड भारत, तरुण राजस्थान और अंग्रेजी पत्र ‘पीप’ का।
16. प्रश्न - व्यासजी का निधन कब एवं कहाँ हुआ?
उतर- 14 मार्च 1963 को दिल्ली में।
17. प्रश्न - भारत सरकार ने व्यासजी की स्मृति में डाक टिकट कब जारी किया?
उतर- 3 जुलाई 1974 को।
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FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES IN INDIAN CONSTITUTION
The Fundamental Rights embodied in the Indian constitution acts as a guarantee that all Indian citizens can and will lead their lives in peace as long as they live in Indian democracy. These civil liberties take precedence over any other law of the land. They include individual rights common to most liberal democracies, such as equality before the law, freedom of speech and expression, freedom of association and peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, and the right to constitutional remedies for the protection of civil rights such as habeas corpus.
In addition, the Fundamental Rights for Indians are aimed at overturning the inequities of past social practices. They have also been used to in successfully abolishing the "untouchability"; prohibit discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth; and forbid trafficking in human beings and also the forced labor. They go beyond conventional civil liberties in protecting cultural and educational rights of minorities by ensuring that minorities may preserve their distinctive languages and establish and administer their own education institutions.
Originally, the right to property was also included in the Fundamental Rights; however, the Forty-fourth Amendment, passed in 1978, revised the status of property rights by stating that "No person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law." Freedom of speech and expression, generally interpreted to include freedom of the press, can be limited " in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence" Here we have defined the six fundamental rights as per the constitution of India:-
(1.) THE RIGHT TO EQUALITY
The right to equality is one of the six rights that have been granted to us. In the Indian Constitution these rights have been described as: The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of (1.) religion, (2.) race, (3.) caste, (4.) sex, and (5.) place of birth or(6.) any of them.
No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the general public.
Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women and children.
Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
(2.) Equal opportunity for all
There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State. No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office under the State.
Nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law prescribing, in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an office under the Government of, or any local or other authority within, a State or Union territory, any requirement as to residence within that State or Union territory prior to such employment or appointment.
Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for reservation in matters of promotion to any class or classes of posts in the services under the State in favour of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes which, in the opinion of the State, are not adequately represented in the services under the State. Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from considering any unfilled vacancies of a year which are reserved for being filled up in that year in accordance with any provision for reservation made under clause (4) or clause (4A) as a separate class of vacancies to be filled up in any succeeding year or years and such class of vacancies shall not be considered together with the vacancies of the year in which they are being filled up for determining the ceiling of fifty per cent. reservation on total number of vacancies of that year.
Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any law which provides that the incumbent of an office in connection with the affairs of any religious or denominational institution or any member of the governing body thereof shall be a person professing a particular religion or belonging to a particular denomination.
(3.) THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM
The right to freedom is one of the most important fundamental right that have been granted to us by the founders of Indian Constitution. This right allow every citizen of India to be free from the ancient form of slavery. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:
All citizens shall have the right-
• To freedom of speech and expression;
• To assemble peaceably and without arms;
• To form associations or unions;
• To move freely throughout the territory of India;
• To reside and settle in any part of the territory of India;
• to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.
Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India,] the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.
Nothing in sub-clause (b) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India or] public order, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause.
Nothing in sub-clause (c) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India or] public order or morality, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause.
Nothing in _17[sub-clauses (d) and (e)] of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub-clauses either in the interests of the general public or for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe.
Nothing in sub-clause (g) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the general public, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause, and, in particular, _18[nothing in the said sub-clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State from making any law relating to,- the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practising any profession or carrying on any occupation, trade or business, or the carrying on by the State, or by a corporation owned or controlled by the State, of any trade, business, industry or service, whether to the exclusion, complete or partial, of citizens or otherwise.
(4.) THE CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS
The Cultural and Educational Rights is one of the six fundamental right that have been granted to us in the Indian Constitution. This right allow every citizen of India to have a cultural and education upto where that person wants. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:
Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part there of having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same.
No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them.
All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.
In making any law providing for the compulsory acquisition of any property of any educational institution established and administered by a minority, referred to in clause (1), the State shall ensure that the amount fixed by or determined under such law for the acquisition of such property is such as would not restrict or abrogate the right guaranteed under that clause.
The State shall not, in granting aid to educational institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on religion or language.
(5.) THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF RELIGION
The right to freedom of religion allows Indian citizens to choose any religion that he/she wants to choose. This fundamental right was chossen after lot of thought regarding the process of person chossing his / her own religion. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:
The right to freedom of religion is a fundamental right guaranteed under Article 25 of the Constitution of India. Article 25 reads as follows:-
Article 25. (1). Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion.
Article 25. (2). Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law: -
(a) Regulating or restricting any economic financial political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice;
(b) Providing for social welfare and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus.
This Article guarantees that every person in India shall have the freedom of conscience and shall have the right to profess, practise and propagate religion, subject to the restrictions that may be imposed by the State on the following grounds, namely:-
(1) Public order, morality and health;
(2) Other provisions of the Constitution;
(3) Regulation of non-religious activity associated with religious practise;
(4) Social welfare and reform;
(5) Throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes of Hindus.
(6.) THE RIGHT AGAINST EXPLOITATION
The right against exploitation allows Indian citizens to stand up against any kind of exploitation that he/ she might be going through. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as: Article 23. Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour.-
(1) Traffic in human beings and begar and other similar forms of forced labour are prohibited and any contravention of this provision shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law.
(2) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from imposing compulsory service for public purposes, and in imposing such service the State shall not make any discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste or class or any of them.
Article 24. Prohibition of employment of children in factories, etc.- No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment.
THE RIGHT TO CONSTITUTIONAL REMEDIES
The right to constitutional remedies allows Indian citizens to stand up up for their rights against anybody even the government of India. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:
Article 32. Remedies for enforcement of rights conferred by this Part.-
(1) The right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part is guaranteed.
(2) The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders or writs, including writs in the nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari, whichever may be appropriate, for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by this Part.
(3) Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by clauses (1) and (2), Parliament may by law empower any other court to exercise within the local limits of its jurisdiction all or any of the powers exercisable by the Supreme Court under clause (2).
(4) The right guaranteed by this article shall not be suspended except as otherwise provided for by this Constitution.
Article 33. Power of Parliament to modify the rights conferred by this Part in their application to Forces, etc.- Parliament may, by law, determine to what extent any of the rights conferred by this Part shall, in their application to:-
(a) The members of the Armed Forces; or
(b) The members of the Forces charged with the maintenance of public order; or
(c) Persons employed in any bureau or other organisation established by the State for purposes of intelligence or counter intelligence; or
(d) Persons employed in, or in connection with, the telecommunication systems set up for the purposes of any Force, bureau or organisation referred to in clauses (a) to (c), be restricted or abrogated so as to ensure the proper discharge of their duties and the maintenance of discipline among them.
Article 34. Restriction on rights conferred by this Part while martial law is in force in any area.- Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this Part, Parliament may by law indemnify any person in the service of the Union or of a State or any other person in respect of any act done by him in connection with the maintenance or restoration of order in any area within the territory of India where martial law was in force or validate any sentence passed, punishment inflicted, forfeiture ordered or other act done under martial law in such area.
Article 35. Legislation to give effect to the provisions of this Part.- Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution,-
(a) Parliament shall have, and the Legislature of a State shall not have, power to make laws-
(i) with respect to any of the matters which under clause (3) of article 16, clause (3) of article 32, article 33 and article 34 may be provided for by law made by Parliament; and
(ii) for prescribing punishment for those acts which are declared to be offences under this Part; and Parliament shall, as soon as may be after the commencement of this Constitution, make laws for prescribing punishment for the acts referred to in sub-clause (ii)
(b) any law in force immediately before the commencement of this Constitution in the territory of India with respect to any of the matters referred to in sub-clause (i) of clause (a) or providing for punishment for any act referred to in sub-clause (ii) of that clause shall, subject to the terms thereof and to any adaptations and modifications that may be made therein under article 372, continue in force until altered or repealed or amended by Parliament.
FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES
These Fundamental rights have been provided at the cost of some fundamental duties. These are considered as the duties that must be and should be performed by every citizen of India. These fundamental duties are defined as: It shall be the duty of every citizens of India: -
1. To abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, the National Flag and the National Anthem;
2. To cherish and follow the noble ideals which inspired our national struggle for freedom;
3. To uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India;
4. To defend the country and render national service when called upon to do so;
5. To promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women;
6. To value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture;
7. To protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures;
8. To develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform;
9. To safeguard public property and to abjure violence;
10. To strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activity so that the nation constantly rises to higher levels of endeavor and achievement.
किसी भी क्षेत्र की मिट्टियों का उस क्षेत्र की संस्कृति पर गहरा प्रभाव होता है। दोमट मिट्टी, काली मिट्टी, जीवांश एवं नमी युक्त उपजाऊ मिट्टियां समृद्धि लाती हैं। इस कारण लोगों को कला एवं साहित्य की साधना हेतु समय, ऊर्जा एवं धन व्यय करने का अवसर मिलता है। जबकि ऊसर, दलदली, लवणीय एवं क्षारीय मिट्टियां दरिद्रता को जन्म देती हैं। इस कारण अभावों से ग्रस्त मनुष्य उदर-पूर्ति के संघर्ष में ही लगा रहता है तथा अभावमयी संस्कृति पनपती है। विशाल प्रदेश होने के कारण राजस्थान में विभिन्न प्रकार की मिट्टियाँ पाई जाती हैं।
1. टिब्बेदार पीली-भूरी बलुई मिट्टी : नोहर, भादरा, सूरतगढ़, चिड़ावा, डूंगरगढ़, बाड़मेर, फलौदी, बाप, शेरगढ़, ओसियां, बिलाड़ा, रामगढ़ फतेहगढ़, सम, नावां, कुचामन, डीडवाना सांचोर, भीनमाल, बीकानेर और सीकर तहसीलों में इस प्रकार की मिट्टी पायी जाती है। इस मिट्टी में 90 प्रतिशत बालू और 5 से 7 प्रतिशत मटियार तथा गाद की मात्रा होती है। इसमें ह्यूमस, मैंगनीज एवं ताम्बे की कमी होती है। जलधारण क्षमता अत्यंत कम होने से इसका वायु अपरदन एवं परिवहन अधिक होता है। इस मिट्टी में बाजरा एवं मोठ की खेती होती है।
2. भूरी बलुई मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी बाड़़मेर, जालोर, नागौर, जोधपुर, सीकर, चूरू और झुंझुनूं जिलों में मिलती है। इस मिट्टी में 85 से 90 प्रतिशत तक बालू, और 6 से 9 प्रतिशत तक मटियार एवं गाद होती है। इस मिट्टी में जीवांश की मात्रा कम होती है। चूने का अंश भी लगभग अनुपस्थित होता है। इस मिट्टी में शुष्क खेती की जाती है तथा बाजरा, मोठ, ग्वार आदि बोया जाता है। इस मिट्टी में खेती के लिये नाइट्रोजन और फॉस्फोरस युक्त उर्वरकों का प्रयोग करना आवश्यक होता है।
3. भूरी दोमट मिट्टी : ऐसी मिट्टी नागौर जिले की परबतसर एवं मेड़ता तहसीलों में तथा लूनी नदी बेसिन में पायी जाती है। इस मिट्टी में 8 से 10 प्रतिशत मटियार एवं 8 से 12 प्रतिशत तक गाद होती है तथा जीवांश की मात्रा कम होती है। इस मिट्टी में उर्वरकों एवं सिंचाई के प्रयोग से गेहूँ व सरसों की फसल अच्छी होती है।
4. धूसर भूरी दोमट मटियार मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी बिलाड़ा, जोधपुर, नावां, परबतसर, आहोर, सिवाना, सिरोही तथा पाली तहसीलों में अधिक मिलती है। इसमें 20 प्रतिशत तक मटियार एवं 13 प्रतिशत तक गाद होती है। इसकी जलधारण क्षमता अपेक्षाकृत अधिक होती है। इसमें ज्वार, रायड़ा एवं सरसों की फसलें उगाई जाती हैं।
5. भूरी मटियार दोमट मिट्टी : इस प्रकार की मिट्टी राज्य के उत्तरी भाग में घग्घर के क्षेत्र में स्थित हनुमानगढ़, सूरतगढ़, पदमपुर, रायसिंहनगर तथा बीकानेर जिले के उत्तर-पश्चिमी भाग में पायी जाती है। इसमें मटियार की मात्रा 18 प्रतिशत तक तथा गाद की मात्रा 22 प्रतिशत तक होती है। इसकी जलधारण क्षमता अधिक होती है। नहरी सिंचाई उपलब्ध हो जाने से इस मिट्टी में चावल, गन्ना, कपास, तिलहन, गेहूं व दालें पैदा की जा सकती हैं।
6. हल्की भूरी बलुई दोमट मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी राजगढ़, सुजानगढ़, नीम का थाना, श्रीमाधोपुर, दांतारामगढ़, खेतड़ी, उदयपुर वाटी, नावां, परबतसर आदि तहसीलों में पायी जाती है। इस प्रकार की मिट्टी में मटियार की मात्रा 16 प्रतिशत तक तथा गाद की मात्रा 14 से 18 प्रतिशत तक होती है। इसमें जीवांश की मात्रा कम होने से जलधारण क्षमता भी कम होती है। इसमें जस्ते और तांबे की कमी होती है।
7. पीली भूरी दोमट बलुई और बलुई दोमट मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी बयाना, नदबई, कोट कासिम, तिजारा, बहरोर, मण्डावर, किशनगढ़, बस्सी, राजौरी, नरैना, दूदू, चौमूं, चाकसू आदि तहसीलों में मिलती है। इसमें मटियार की मात्रा 15 से 17 प्रतिशत तक तथा गाद की मात्रा 10 से 12 प्रतिशत तक होती है। यह मिट्टी अधिक सघन तथा कम रन्ध्राकार होती है जिससे पानी का रिसाव धीमी गति से होता है। इस मिट्टी में गेहूं, सरसों, मूंगफली, दालें, ज्वार आदि सिंचित फसलें पैदा होती हैं।
8. भूरी मटियार दोमट मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी माण्डलगढ़, जहाजपुर, कोटड़ी, निवाई, किशनगढ़, ब्यावर, केकड़ी, रूपनगढ़, भदेसर, महुआ, हिंडौन, सपोटरा, खण्डार, बौंली, राजगढ़, थानागाजी, बहरोर, लक्ष्मणगढ़, चंद्राणा, पाड़ासोली बांदीकुई, फागी (जयपुर) और भरतपुर के उत्तर-पूर्वी भाग में मिलती है। यह अर्द्ध शुष्क क्षेत्र में धूसर-भूरी एवं पीले-भूरे रंग की तथा मटियार दोमट गठन वाली मिट्टी है। इसमें मटियार की मात्रा 20 प्रतिशत तथा गाद की मात्रा 22 से 24 प्रतिशत होती है। यह मिट्टी कम रन्ध्राकार होती है अतः जल का रिसाव धीमा होता है। सिंचित क्षेत्रों में इस मिट्टी में गेहूं, गन्ना, कपास, दालें व तिलहन की फसलें उगायी जाती हैं।
9. लाल दोमट मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी उदयपुर, चित्तौड़गढ़, डूंगरपुर, बांसवाड़ा तथा उत्तर-पश्चिमी बूंदी जिलों में मिलती है। इसमें मटियार की मात्रा 20 प्रतिशत तथा गाद की मात्रा 22 से 24 प्रतिशत होती है। चूंकि राजस्थान में यह काफी उथली पायी जाती है इस कारण इसकी जलधारण क्षमता कम है। इस मिट्टी का जल अपरदन अतिशीघ्र होता है। इसमें चावल, गन्ना, कपास, गेहूं, चना एवं मक्का की खेती होती है।
10. काली मटियार दोमट मिट्टी : यह मिट्टी खानपुर, झालरापाटन, अकलेरा, कोटा, केशोरायपाटन, तलैरा, नैनवा, बामनवास, गंगापुर, बांसवाड़ा और उदयपुर जिले की कुछ तहसीलों में मिलती है। इसे ब्लैक कॉटन सॉयल भी कहते हैं। इस मिट्टी में मटियार की मात्रा 35 से 40 प्रतिशत तथा गाद की मात्रा 20 से 25 प्रतिशत होती है। यह धूसर, भूरी, मध्यम और गहरे काले रंग की होती है। इस मिट्टी की जलधारण क्षमता अधिक होती है। अत्यधिक उपजाऊ होने से इसमें कपास, गन्ना, चावल, चना, गेहूं, उड़द आदि की खेती होती है। इस मिट्टी का जल अपरदन अधिक होता है।
राजस्थान में मिट्टियों से सम्बन्धित समस्याएँ
राजस्थान में मृदा सम्बन्धी समस्याओं में लवणीय एवं क्षारीय मिट्टी की उपस्थिति, जलमग्नता की समस्या तथा मृदा अपरदन की समस्या प्रमुख हैं।
लवणीय एवं क्षारीय मिट्टियों की समस्या : राजस्थान में लवणीयता की समस्या से ग्रस्त मिट्टियों का क्षेत्रफल लगभग 7,280 वर्ग कि.मी. है। राज्य के पश्चिमी भाग की मिट्टियाँ लवणों से अधिक प्रभावित हैं। स्थानीय भाषा में इसे रेह या रेतीली मिट्टी कहते हैं। इसका पी. एच. 8.5 से कम होता है। डीडवाना, सांभर, कुचामन, पचपदरा, लूणकरणसर आदि झीलों के निकट ऐसी ही मिट्टी पायी जाती है। पश्चिमी राजस्थान के 80 प्रतिशत कुंओं का पानी खारा है। इससे सिंचाई करने से ऊपरी परत में लवणों एवं सोडियम कार्बोनेट की मात्रा बढ़ जाती है। इसके कारण मृदा क्षारीय हो जाती है। बोलचाल की भाषा में ऐसे पानी को तेलिया पानी तथा ऐसी मिट्टी को भूरा ऊसर कहते हैं। राज्य में क्षारीय एवं लवणीय मिट्टियाँ जयपुर, भीलवाड़ा, अजमेर, पाली, भरतपुर बूंदी चित्तौड़गढ़ व कोटा जिलों में अधिक है। इन मिट्टियों में चुकन्दर, आलू, कपास, जौ, गेहूं जैसी लवण रोधी फसलें उगाना लाभदायक होता है।
वाटर लॉगिंग अथवा सेम की समस्या : इंदिरा गांधी नहर, गंगनहर, चंबल नहर तथा अन्य नहरों से हुए जल रिसाव ने राज्य में हजारों हैक्टेयर भूमि में दलदल बना दिया है। सेम ने इंदिरा गांधी नहर के प्रथम चरण की एक तिहाई से अधिक उपजाऊ जमीन बेकार कर दी है। इस जल में मृदा की नीचे की परतों के लवण एवं खनिज घुलकर मृदा की ऊपरी सतह पर आ गये हैं। घग्घर नदी की बाढ़ को रोकने के लिये स्थान-स्थान पर तालाब बनाये गये थे किंतु इनमें लवणता की समस्या उभर आयी है जिससे सूरतगढ़ क्षेत्र में हजारों हैक्टेयर उपजाऊ जमीन बंजर हो गई है। जलमग्न क्षेत्र में वन तथा चारागाह उगाने के प्रयास किये जा रहे हैं।
मृदा अपरदन की समस्या : जल, वायु अथवा अन्य किसी भौतिक शक्ति के कारण मृदा कणों के अपने स्थान से हटने को मृदा अपरदन कहते हैं। मृदा अपरदन से मृदा का ऊपरी उपजाऊ स्तर नष्ट हो जाता है तथा अनुपजाऊ परत ऊपर आ जाती है। एक ही स्थान पर पशुओं की लगातार चराई, पेड़ों की कटाई, जंगलों में लगने वाली आग, पहाड़ों का खनन तथा अन्य ऐसी ही गतिविधियों से मृदा अपरदन को बढ़ावा मिलता है। पहाड़ी ढालों पर मृदा अपरदन तेजी से होता है। भेड़-बकरियां अधिकतर घासों को जड़ों सहित खा जाती हैं जिससे धरती पूरी तरह अनावृत्त हो जाती है जिसका परिणाम मृदा अपरदन होता है। लगातार खेती करने एवं उसमें जीवांश की मात्रा के कम हो जाने से भी मृदा अपरदन बढ़ता है।
मरुस्थलीकरण
राजस्थान में मरुस्थलीकरण एक बड़ी समस्या है। आंधी, बाढ़, वर्षा आदि विभिन्न कारणों से होने वाले मृदा अपरदन, मृदा एवं जल के अनुचित प्रबंधन, वनों के उन्मूलन, पशुओं द्वारा एक ही स्थल पर लगातार होने वाले अतिचारण आदि कारणों से मरुस्थलीकरण को बढ़ावा मिलता है।
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