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अंतिम उपदेश/ कहानी/डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

05.02.2018

अंतिम उपदेश/ कहानी/डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

महात्माजी बड़े प्रसन्न हैं। जंगल के जानवरों पर उनके प्रवचनों का अच्छा प्रभाव पड़ रहा है। जंगल का सम्पूर्ण वातारण ही जैसे बदल गया है। अब बहुत से भेड़िये नदी पर पानी पीने आते तो हरिणों तथा खरगोशों की ओर आंख उठाकर भी नहीं देखते। बहुत से गीदड़, जरख, लक्कड़बग्घे और लोमड़े गले में तुलसी मालाएं डालकर रामधुन गाते हुए जंगल की पगडण्डियों पर विचरण करते हुए दिखाई देते हैं तो महात्माजी का रोम-रोम पुलकित हो उठता है। नदियों के घाट पूरी तरह सुरक्षित हो गये हैं, अब वहाँ हिंसा पूरी तरह बंद हो गई है।

बाघ और तेंदुए तो अब जंगल में दूर-दूर तक दिखाई नहीं देते। महात्माजी ने भेड़ियों से पूछा कि जब वे इस जंगल में आये थे तो बहुत से बाघ-बघेरे, तेंदुए और चीते दिखाई देते थे किंतु अब उनमें से एक भी दिखाई नहीं देता तो भेड़ियों ने अत्यंत आदर से शीश झुकाकर महात्माजी से निवेदन किया कि वे पातकी और हिंसक प्राणी, महात्माजी के व्यक्तित्व से प्रभावित हो, यह जंगल छोड़कर दूसरे जंगलों में चले गये हैं। महात्माजी ने उस दिन ईश्वर को कोटि-कोटि धन्यवाद दिया कि जंगल में अब खरगोश और हरिण जैसे निरीह प्राणी पूरी तरह सुरक्षित हो गये हैं।

यहाँ तक तो सब कुछ अद्भुत और प्रभावकारी था किंतु महात्माजी ने एक विचित्र बात भी अनुभव की कि जहाँ एक ओर जंगल के हिंसक पशु इतने सात्विक हो गये हैं, वहीं निरीह प्राणियों में हिंसक पशुओं के प्रति अविश्वास का भाव तनिक भी नहीं घटा। महात्माजी इन निरीह प्राणियों को समझाने का बहुत प्रयास करते किंतु निरीह प्राणियों के चेहरों से अविश्वास के भाव जाते ही नहीं। महात्माजी का मन तब बहुत विचलित हो जाता है, जब वे देखते हैं कि लाख उपदेशों के उपरांत भी खरगोशों, भेड़ों, बकरियों और हरिणों के चेहरों पर प्रसन्नता के वे भाव नहीं आते, जिनकी अपेक्षा महात्माजी को है। फिर भी महात्माजी को विश्वास है कि जिस प्रकार हिंसक पशुओं के मन में सत्य के प्रति निष्ठा जागृत हुई है, उसी प्रकार निरीह पशुओं के मन में भी सत्य की शक्ति के प्रति भरोसा उत्पन्न हो ही जायेगा। इसलिये वे जंगल में घूम-घूम कर पशु-पक्षियों को उपदेश देते रहे।

जंगल में दिन छोटे और ठण्डे ही होते हैं किंतु जब सर्दियां बीत गईं और गर्मियां आ गईं तो जंगल में भी दिन लम्बे और गर्म हो गये। विशेष रूप से दुपहरी बहुत लम्बी होने लगी किंतु दिन का यही हिस्सा ऐसा होता है जिसमें जंगल सर्वाधिक शांत होता है। एक दिन दुपहरी में सूरज आकाश के मध्य तप रहा था और जंगल के समस्त पशु-पक्षी अपने आश्रय स्थलों में विश्राम कर रहे थे। यह महात्माजी के स्वाध्याय का समय होता है और उनके स्वाध्याय में कोई पशु-पक्षी विघ्न उत्पन्न नहीं करता। अचानक कुटिया के द्वार पर हलचल हुई। महात्माजी ने ग्रंथ पर से आंख हटाकर द्वार की ओर देखा तो देखते ही रह गये। कुटिया के द्वार पर दो सुंदर हरिण शावक खड़े हुए थे और उत्सुक नेत्रों से महात्माजी की ओर ताक रहे थे। इतने सुंदर, इतने निरीह, इतने भोले हरिण शावक महात्माजी ने अब से पहले कभी नहीं देखे थे। महात्माजी का मन आनंद से नाच उठा। वे अपने स्थान से उठे और उन्होंने हरिण शावकों को गोद में भर लिया।

-‘आओ मेरे बच्चो! तुम्हारा इस कुटिया में स्वागत है।' महात्माजी ने उन्हें पीने के लिये जल दिया और कहा, दोपहर में इधर-उधर मत भटको। तुम्हारी माँ तुम्हारे लिये परेशान हो रही होगी।

हरिण शावकों ने महात्माजी की बात पर ध्यान नहीं दिया। उन्हें तो कुटिया में आ रही चंदन की सुगंध आकर्षित कर रही थी। वे उसी सुगंध का आनंद लेने लगे। कुटिया में रखे ग्रंथ भी उन्हें किसी अचरज से कम नहीं लग रहे थे। कुछ देर हरिण शावकों की निश्छल चेष्टाओं का आनंद लेने के बाद महात्माजी ने उन्हें अपने निकट बैठा लिया और फिर से स्वाध्याय में मन लगाने का प्रयास किया। महात्माजी का मन स्वाध्याय में नहीं लगा। उन्होंने ग्रंथ पर से दृष्टि हटा ली और हरिण शावकों की ओर देखा। हरिण शावक टकटकी लगाकर महात्माजी की ओर ही देख रहे थे। महात्माजी ने फिर से ग्रंथ उठा लिया और उच्च स्वर से उसका पाठ करने लगे। महात्माजी ने अनुभव किया कि हरिण शावक ध्यान लगाकर ग्रंथ का पाठ सुन रहे हैं। उस दिन महात्माजी को बहुत आनंद आया। उनके मन को असीम शांति मिली। उन्होंने निश्चय किया कि अब से वे स्वाध्याय करने के स्थान पर उच्च स्वर से ग्रंथ का वाचन करेंगे।

संध्या होने को आई तो महात्माजी ने हरिण शावकों को अपनी माता के पास जाने के लिये कहा। दोनों हरिण शावकों ने महात्माजी को अभिवादन किया तथा उछलते कूदते महात्माजी की आंखों से ओझल हो गये। अगली प्रातः को जब महात्माजी ने कुटिया के बाहर आकर सूर्यदेव को प्रणाम किया तो उनके आश्चर्य का पार न रहा, दोनों हरिण शावक कुटिया के बाहर ही खेल रहे थे। महात्माजी को देखकर वे उनके निकट आकर उनकी टांगों से लिपट गये। महात्माजी का मन एक अनोखे आनंद से भर गया। ये कैसा आनंद है, महात्माजी ने विचार किया। इन निरीह प्राणियों की मित्रता ने महात्माजी के अंतः स्थल को किसी दिव्य अनुभूति से भिगो दिया था।

महात्माजी ने आज भी दुपहरी मेें स्वाध्याय करने के स्थान पर ग्रंथों का उच्च स्वर से पाठ किया और दोनों हरिण शावक पूरे समय उनके निकट बैठकर उस पाठ को सुनते रहे। तीसरे दिन भी यही हुआ और चौथे दिन भी। फिर तो यह महात्माजी की दिनचर्या का नियमित भाग बन गया। तीनों प्राणी, अपनी इस अद्भुत पाठशाला में निमग्न रहते। कुछ दिन इसी प्रकार बीत गये। इधर ये तीनों प्राणी, शास्त्रों में निमग्न थे और उधर जंगल में कुछ अनपेक्षित और कुटिल चालें चली जाने लगीं। महात्माजी को पता ही नहीं चला कि जंगल में क्या कुछ चल रहा है।

एक दिन महात्माजी प्रातःकाल में कुटिया से बाहर निकले तो हरिण शावक वहाँ नहीं थे। जब से हरिण शावकों ने कुटिया में आना प्रारम्भ किया था, तब से यह पहली बार था कि वे महात्माजी के बाहर आने से पहले कुटिया के द्वार पर उपस्थित नहीं थे। महात्माजी, हरिण शावकों को देखने के लिये व्यग्र हो उठे। एक प्रहर बीत गया किंतु हरिण शावक नहीं आये। महात्माजी ने शास्त्र खोले किंतु उनका मन ग्रंथ पढ़ने में नहीं लगा। हार कर, महात्माजी ने हरिण शावकों को ढूंढने के लिये जंगल में जाने का निश्चय किया। अभी वे लकुटी उठाकर कुटिया से बाहर आये ही थे कि उन्हें कुटिया की ओर आने वाली पगडण्डी पर धूल उड़ती हुई दिखाई दी। महात्माजी को लगा कि हरिण शावक ही दौड़ते हुए उनकी ओर आ रहे हैं।

महात्माजी कुटिया के द्वार पर ही ठहर गये। उनका अनुमान सही था, दोनों हरिण शावक दौड़ते हुए उनकी ओर ही चले आ रहे थे। कुछ ही क्षणों में दोनों हरिण शावक महात्माजी के निकट पहुंच गये। महात्माजी ने उन दोनों को निकट आया देखकर संतोष की सांस ली किंतु यह देखकर उनके आश्चर्य का पार न रहा कि दोनों हरिण शावक आज महात्माजी के पैरों से न लिपटकर सीधे कुटिया के भीतर चले गये थे और एक कौने में छिपने का प्रयास करने लगे।

महात्माजी ने देखा कि हरिण शावकों की त्वचा पर भेड़ियों के पंजों के चिह्न अंकित थे और दोनों की त्वचा से रक्त बह रहा था। महात्माजी को विश्वास नहीं हुआ, जो भेड़िये गले में तुलसी की माला डालकर जंगल की पगडण्डियों पर रामधुन गाते फिरते थे, उनमें हिंसा की प्रवृत्ति फिर से लौट आई थी।

-‘किसने की तुम्हारी ये दशा ?’ महात्माजी ने हरिण शावकों से पूछा। नित्य की ही भांति हरिण शावकों ने प्रत्युत्तर नहीं दिया। उनकी कातर आंखों से आंसू बह रहे थे और वे भय के कारण थर-थर कांप रहे थे। शावकों की यह दशा देखकर महात्माजी के मन में करुणा का सागर उमड़ पड़ा। उन्होंने हरिण शावकों को गोद में उठा लिया।

-‘चलो मेरे साथ चलो, मैं उन भेड़ियों की भर्त्सना करता हूँ। तुम्हारे साथ वे इस तरह का व्यवहार कैसे कर सकते हैं ?’ महात्माजी अभी अपनी बात कह ही रहे थे कि उन्हें पगडण्डी के उस ओर से रामधुन सुनाई दी। अवश्य ही वहाँ कुछ भेड़िये हैं, महात्माजी ने अनुमान लगाया और वे तेज कदमों से चलते हुए उसी दिशा में चल दिये।

वास्तव में ही वहाँ कुछ भेड़िये थे जो एक पेड़ के नीचे बैठकर रामधुन गा रहे थे। महात्माजी को आया देखकर भेड़िये उठ खड़े हुए और उन्होंने महात्माजी के चरणों में प्रणाम किया। महात्माजी ने भेड़ियों को बताया कि आज हरिण शावकों के साथ क्या हुआ है! भेड़ियों ने शावकों के साथ हुए बुरे व्यवहार पर आश्चर्य जताते हुए, महात्माजी के समक्ष खेद व्यक्त किया और महात्माजी को आश्वस्त किया कि वे उन भेड़ियों को, इस बुरे काम के लिये लताड़ पिलायेंगे ताकि भविष्य में इसकी पुनरावृत्ति न हो।

भेड़ियों की क्षमा याचना से महात्माजी के चित्त की उद्विग्नता शांत हो गई। वे फिर से अपनी कुटिया में लौट आये। हरिण शावक अब भी कौने में दुबके हुए थे। महात्माजी ने शावकों की त्वचा पर औषधि का लेपन किया तथा शांत चित्त होकर ग्रंथ पढ़ने बैठ गये। शावक भी अपने घावों की पीड़ा भुलाकर महात्माजी के पास आकर बैठ गये। नित्य की ही भांति आज भी शास्त्रों के सेवन में तीनों प्राणियों को बहुत आनंद आया।

संध्या होने को आई तो महात्माजी ने शावकों को अपने घर जाने के लिये कहा किंतु हरिण शावकों ने जाने से मना कर दिया। इस पर महात्माजी ने उन्हें कुटिया में ही रोक लिया। इसके बाद, हरिण शावक महात्माजी की कुटिया में ही रहने लगे। भेड़ियों के भय से वे भूलकर भी कुटिया के बाहर नहीं निकलते। महात्माजी ने शावकों को समझाया कि तुम जंगल के प्राणी हो, तुम्हें जंगल में विचरण करने के लिये अवश्य जाना चाहिये तथा भेड़ियों के साथ भी कुछ समय व्यतीत करना चाहिये ताकि वे तुम्हारे प्रति मित्रता का भाव रख सकें। भेड़िये अब तुम्हें कुछ नहीं कहेंगे क्योंकि उनकी प्रतााड़ना कर दी गई है।

हरिण शावकों ने महात्माजी को बताना चाहा कि भेड़ियों की वास्तविक वृत्ति क्या है किंतु महात्माजी ने उनकी बात अनसुनी कर दी और उन्हें स्नेह से झिड़कते हुए कहा कि वे भेड़ियों के प्रति दुराग्रह न रखें, यदि हमारी दृष्टि बुराई पर ही रहेगी तो हमारे जीवन से बुरी चीजें कभी दूर नहीं जा सकेंगी। सदैव अच्छाई पर अपनी दृष्टि केन्द्रित करो। यही जीवन का चरम उत्कर्ष है। हरिण शावकों ने सिर झुका कर महात्माजी की बात सुन ली किंतु महात्माजी के आदेश के उपरांत भी कुटिया से बाहर निकलने से स्पष्ट मना कर दिया और महात्माजी के लाख प्रयास करने पर भी वे कुटिया से बाहर नहीं निकले।

कुछ दिन और बीते। महात्माजी ने अनुभव किया कि अब पगडण्डियों के निकट रामधुन की आवाजें तेज हो गई हैं तथा गले में तुलसी माला पहने हुए भेड़ियों के झुण्ड जब-तब कुटिया के निकट से निकलते हुए दिखाई दे जाते हैं। जंगल से आती हुई रामधुनों को सुनकर तथा पगडण्डियों पर विचरण करते हुए रामनामी भेड़ियों को देखकर महात्माजी को असीम आनंद का अनुभव होता कि भेड़ियों में रामनाम के प्रति अनुराग बढ़ रहा है किंतु हरिण शावक भेड़ियों को देखते ही सहम कर कुटिया के कोने में छिप जाते।

कुछ दिन और बीते। कुटिया के बाहर भेड़िये रामधुन गाते रहे और कुटिया के भीतर महात्माजी शावकों को धर्मग्रंथ सुनाते रहे। महात्माजी कुटिया से बाहर निकलते तो हरिण शावक उछलकर उनकी गोद में चढ़ने की चेष्टा करते। महात्माजी हँसकर उन्हें गोद में उठा लेते। जैसे ही भेड़िये महात्माजी को देखते तो वे श्रद्धा और विनय के वशीभूत होकर महात्माजी के चरणों की धूल लेते। महात्माजी उनकी इस सात्विक वृत्ति की प्रशंसा करते और उन्हें जी भरकर आशीर्वाद देते। इस प्रकार महात्माजी, भेड़ियों की ओर से पूरी तरह निश्चिंत थे किंतु शावकों का भय दिन पर दिन बढ़ता ही जाता था।

एक दिन महात्माजी ने शावकों से कहा कि वे भेड़ियों में हर क्षण बुराई न देखें। उनमें भी बहुत अच्छाईयां हैं। कुछ भेड़िये बुरे हो सकते हैं किंतु समस्त भेड़िये बुरे नहीं हैं। हरिण शाावक सिर झुकाकर महात्माजी का प्रवचन सुनते किंतु कुछ प्रत्युत्तर नहीं देते। कुछ दिन और बीत गये। एक दिन महात्माजी कुटिया से बाहर निकले तो एक भेड़िये ने कहा कि महात्माजी आपके उपदेशों से हम तो अहिंसक और सात्विक हो गये हैं किंतु आप हमारी सदाशयता पर विश्वास ही नहीं करते। जब देखो इन शावकों को छाती से चिपकाये रहते हैं !

महात्माजी ने हँसकर कहा कि बच्चे हैं, इसलिये डर गये हैं। कुछ दिनों में स्वतः ही समझ जायेंगे। मैं आप लोगों की सात्विक वृत्ति को देखकर प्रसन्न हूँ। कुछ दिन और बीत गये। भेड़ियों की सात्विकता और बढ़ गई किंतु शावकों की प्रवृत्ति में अंतर नहीं आया। महात्माजी यह देखकर हैरान थे कि भेड़ियों पर तो उपदेशों का प्रभाव होता है किंतु हरिण शावकों की वृत्ति में किंचित् अंतर नहीं आता।

कुछ दिन और बीत गये। एक रात जंगल में तेज बरसात हुई। ठण्डी हवाओं में मिट्टी की सौंधी सुगंध घुल गई। वर्षा के जल में धुलकर वृक्षों के पत्ते और भी हरे तथा चमकदार हो गये। कुटिया के निकट लगे तुलसी के पौधों से तेज सुगंध निकलकर कुटिया के भीतर तथा आसपास के वातातरण में फैल गई। महात्माजी ने प्रकृति की इस उदारता के लिये ईश्वर का धन्यवाद दिया तथा पूजा के लिये पुष्प लेने कुटिया से बाहर निकले। दोनों हरिण शावक एक कौने में सोये पड़े थे।

जैसे ही महात्माजी ने कुटिया से बाहर पैर धरा, भेड़ियों का एक झुण्ड उन पर टूट पड़ा। महात्माजी असावधान थे इसलिये धरती पर गिर गये। महात्माजी यह देखकर हैरान थे कि ये वही भेड़िये थे जो पगडण्डी के दूसरी तरफ बैठकर कई महीनों से रामधुन गा रहे थे। महात्माजी के मुंह से चीख निकल गई। ऐसा कैसे हुआ!

एक भेड़िये ने महात्माजी की एक टांग में अपने तीखे दांत गढ़ा दिये। महात्माजी पीड़ा से चीख उठे। दूसरे भेड़िये ने उछलकर महात्माजी की गर्दन पकड़ ली। महात्माजी का दम घुटने लगा किंतु उन्होंने हिम्मत करके कुटिया का द्वार बंद करने की चेष्टा की। एक भेड़िये ने महात्माजी के हाथ में अपना जबड़ा धंसा दिया। फिर भी महात्माजी ने कुटिया का द्वार बाहर से बंद कर दिया।

-‘ढोंगी साधु! कब तक तू इन हरिण शावकों के प्राण बचायेगा।’ एक भेड़िये ने महात्माजी की टांग चबाते हुए कहा।

-‘मरते-मरते भी कुटिया के द्वार बंद करके हमें परेशान कर रहा है।’ दूसरे भेड़िये ने महात्माजी की बांह को जड़ से ही उखाड़ते हुए कहा।

-‘कुटिया का द्वार आज नहीं तो कल हम खोल ही लेंगे किंतु इस पाखण्डी को तो रास्ते से हटाओ।’ एक भेड़िये ने कुटिया का चक्कर लगाकर शावकों तक पहुंचने का दूसरा मार्ग खोजने की चेष्टा की।

महात्माजी के गले की नली कट चुकी थी और अब वे अंतिम सांसें ले रहे थे, उनकी आंखें बंद होने लगी थीं। किसी तरह महात्माजी ने आंखें खोलकर अपने चारों ओर देखा। कुछ भेड़िये महात्माजी के हाथों और टांगों को चबा रहे थे और कुछ भेड़ियों ने उनका पेट फाड़ डाला था। उन्हें समझ में आ गया था कि अब वे इस जंगल में कुछ ही क्षणों के अतिथि हैं।

जब आंखें फिर से मुंदने लगीं तो महात्माजी के कानों में शावकों की कांपती हुई आवाजें सुनाई दीं, वे कुटिया के भीतर से महात्माजी को सावधान कर रहे थे- ‘आप इनसे बचकर भाग जाओ महात्माजी वरना ये भेड़िये आपको भी मार डालेंगे।’ महात्माजी की आंखों से आंसू बह निकले। वे समझ गये कि कुटिया के भीतर बंद शावकों को ज्ञात नहीं है कि भेड़ियों ने महात्माजी की क्या गत कर दी है।

आज महात्माजी की समझ में वह बात आ गयी थी जो बात हरिण-शावक महात्माजी से कहने का प्रयास कर रहे थे किंतु अब इस बात को समझ लेने से कोई लाभ नहीं होने वाला था। महात्माजी ने अंतिम सांस लेने से पहले एक बार और आंखें खोलकर कुटिया के द्वार की ओर देखा, अब भेड़ियों ने कुटिया का द्वार पीटना आरम्भ कर दिया था। महात्माजी के पास इतना समय भी नहीं था कि वे हरिण शावकों को अंतिम उपदेश दे सकते।

- डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

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पक्की छत/ कहानी/डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

15.04.2018

पक्की छत/ कहानी/डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

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शारदा उठकर झौंपड़े से बाहर आती है। सचमुच आज की रात उसके लिये काफी लम्बी है। चंद्रमा जरूर अपने स्थान से थोड़ा हिला है किंतु तारे तो वहीं की वहीं, अड़े हुए हैं। शारदा झौंपड़े के बाहर पत्थर पर बैठ जाती है। कौन जाने कल का दिन उसके मन की मुराद पूरी करने वाला ही हो! उसके दिल में उम्मीद बंधती है....... किंतु आज तक तो जीवन में ऐसा कुछ नहीं हुआ जिसे देखकर यह लग सके कि उसके मन की मुराद पूरी भी हो सकती है......... किंतु ग्रामसेवक स्वयं आकर शारदा के दस्तखत लेकर गया है और कहकर गया है कि कल पंचायत समिति में आ जाना तुम्हें पक्का मकान बनाने के लिये पचास हजार रुपये मिलेंगे। मकान में पक्का शौचालय बनाने के लिये बत्तीस सौ रुपये अलग से मिलेंगे। खुद मंत्रीजी जयपुर से चलाकर आयेंगे, गरीबों को चैक देने।

शारदा फिर आश्वस्त होती है। यदि मंत्रीजी आये तो अवश्य ही पचास हजार रुपये का चैक मिल जायेगा। कब से शारदा के मन में यह आस है कि उसके बच्चों के सिर पर उनकी अपनी पक्की छत हो। शारदा का श्वसुर भीखाराम गांव की गलियों में झाड़ू लगाते-लगाते बूढ़े हो गया किंतु परिवार को पक्की छत तो दूर, कभी झौंपड़े के लिये नया तिरपाल भी नसीब नहीं हुआ जो बरसात में झौंपड़े को टपकने से रोक सके।

शारदा का पति मदन भी जिंदगी भर हाड़ तोड़ मेहनत के बाद कभी पक्की छत का सपना नहीं देख सका। सपना देखता भी कैसे, वह तो जो कुछ भी कमाता था, हर शाम दारू की भेंट चढ़ जाता था। आज से तीन साल पहले इंदिरा आवास योजना में जब शारदा का नाम आया था तब शारदा को कुछ आस बंधी थी कि देर सबेर ही सही किंतु उसे पक्का मकान बनाने के लिये रुपये मिल जायेंगे किंतु जिस गति से पिछले तीन सालों में सूची में नाम आगे सरक रहे थे, उससे उसकी आस बार-बार कमजोर पड़ जाती थी। जब वह गांव के लोगों के मुँह से सुनती कि इस सूची में लिखे नामों को मकान मिलने में बीस-बाईस साल लग जायेंगे तो उसका रहा-सहा धैर्य जवाब दे जाता।

कभी-कभी निराश होकर वह अपने घास-फूस के झौंपड़े में गूदड़ी में मुँह छिपाकर रो पड़ती....... किंतु इन आंसुओं की इस बेरहम संसार में कोई कीमत नहीं थी........... कीमत होना तो दूर, इन आंसुओं को कोई देखने वाला तक न था........करे तो क्या करे ? जाये तो कहां जाये ? फूस की छत बरसात को रोक नहीं पाती। सर्दी की रातों में दांत किटकिटा जाते और गमियों की दुपहरी में झौंपड़े में लू बरबस घुस आती।

अब तो खैर बच्चे काफी बड़े हो गये किंतु जब बच्चे छोटे थे, तब वह काम के लिये मदन के साथ झौंपड़े से निकलती तो उसका कलेजा किसी अनहोनी की आशंका से कांपता रहता। आये दिन वह सुनती कि झौंपड़ी में बच्चे और बकरियां जल मरे तो उसका कलेजा मुँह को आ जाता। फिर भी उसे अपने छोटे बच्चों को झौंपड़ी में बिना किसी सहारे के छोड़कर, मजदूरी करने पति के साथ जाना ही पड़ता।

कुछ दिन पहले उसने सुना कि सरकार गांवों के गरीब लोगों को मकान बनाने के लिये रुपया देगी तो मन के किसी कोने में आशा का अंकुर एक बार फिर फूट पड़ा था। उसने इधर-उधर पूछताछ की। सरपंच साहब ने बताया कि हाँ उन्होंने भी अखबार में पढ़ा है कि सरकार राज्य के गरीब लोगों को मकान बनाने के लिये चौंतीस सौ करोड़ रुपये का कर्ज लेगी। इस कर्ज से राज्य में रह रहे गरीबों के लिये दस लाख मकान बनाये जायेंगे। कर्ज का नाम सुनकर शारदा एक बार फिर मुरझा गई। कर्ज लेंगे तो चुकायेंगे कैसे ? किंतु जब सरपंच साहब ने बताया कि यह कर्जा सरकार स्वयं चुकायेगी, गरीबों को नहीं चुकाना पड़ेगा तो शारदा की जान में जान आई। यह एक ऐसी सूचना थी जिसे सुनकर शारदा का दिल बल्लियों उछल गया।

कुछ दिन और बीते। गांव के लोगों में यह चर्चा आम हो गई कि सरकार गरीबों को मकान बनाने के लिये पचास हजार रुपया देगी। शारदा भी इस चर्चा को सुनती और आकाश की ओर देखकर मन ही मन परमात्मा से प्रार्थना करती कि हे भगवान, यह खबर सच्ची निकले। इसमें किसी तरह की दूसरी बात पैदा नहीं हो। पहले भी कितनी ही बार उसने इस तरह की बातें सुनी थीं किंतु वे केवल बातें ही बनकर रह गई थीं। कहीं इस बार फिर किस्मत उसी तरह धोखा न दे जाये। उसके मन में डर घर कर गया था।

आखिर वो दिन भी आया जब ग्रामसेवक उसका फार्म भरवाने और बैंक में खाता खुलवाने के लिये आया। श्वसुर भीखाराम ने हाथ जोड़कर उसका अभिवादन किया था।

-‘शारदा कहां है ?’ ग्रामसेवक ने भीखाराम से पूछा था। ग्रामसेवक के मुँह से अपना नाम सुनकर शारदा के कान खड़े हो गये थे।

-‘झौंपड़े में ही है, क्यों ? भीखाराम ने उलटकर सवाल किया था।

-‘कागज घर की औरत के नाम बनेंगे। ग्रामसेवक ने कहा।

-‘औरत के नाम क्यों ?’ शारदा के श्वसुर भीखाराम ने गुस्से से पूछा था।

-‘औरत के नाम इसलिये ताकि मरद उस मकान को बेचकर दारू न पी जायें।’ ग्राम सेवक ने हँसकर जवाब दिया था।

-‘दारू! मैं दारू कहां पीता हूँ!’ भीखाराम ने आदत के अुनसार जवाब दिया था। श्वसुर का जवाब सुनकर शारदा को हँसी आ गई थी।

-‘हाँ, मुझे पता है, तू दारू नहीं पीता। इस गांव में कोई दारू नहीं पीता।’ ग्रामसेवक ने भी हँसकर जवाब दिया था जिसे सुनकर भीखाराम भी झैंप गया था।

-‘लेकिन घर का मालिक तो मरद ही होता है, क्या सरकार अब औरतों को घर का मालिक बनायेगी ?

-‘ यदि मरद यू हीं दारू पीते रहे तो एक दिन सारे घरों की मालिक औरतें हो जायेंगी। चल शारदा, अंगूठा लगा।’ ग्रामसेवक ने मुँह बिगाड़कर जवाब दिया।

शारदा को मानो अब भी अपनी किस्मत पर विश्वास नहीं आया था। जाने क्यों उसकी आंखों से रुलाई फूट पड़ी। इस संसार में जब आदमी फूटी हुई किस्मत लेकर आता है तो उसे चारों ओर से धक्के ही खाने पड़ते हैं। इसलिये उसे किसी अच्छी बात पर जल्दी से विश्वास भी नहीं होता। शारदा का अब तक का अनुभव तो ऐसा ही रहा था। अब तो फार्म भी भरा जा चुका था। खाता भी खुल गया था। फिर भी शारदा के मन में आशंका बनी रही।

वह रोज ही पंचायत के दफ्तर जा पहुंचती- ‘कब आयेंगे, हमारे मकान बनाने के पैसे।’

-‘सबर कर। जल्दी आयेंगे।’ ग्राम सेवक हँसकर जवाब देता।

-‘आ तो जायेंगे ?’ शारदा का अगला सवाल होता।

-‘हाँ जरूर आ जायेंगे। सरकार ने हडको से साढ़े तीन सौ करोड़ रुपये उधार लिये हैं। तीन सालों के भीतर-भीतर दस लाख मकान बनेंगे।’

-‘तीन सालों में !’ शारदा अधीर हो उठती।

-‘हाँ, तीन सालों में।’ इतना कह कर ग्राम सेवक अपने काम में लग जाता।

शारदा फिर डर जाती। कौन जाने तीन साल में सरकार का सारा रुपया खतम हो जाये और मेरा नम्बर ही नहीं आये। वह मन ही मन चिंता करती। आखिर शारदा की किस्मत जागी। सारी प्रार्थनायें काम आ गईं और आज शाम को उसके श्वसुर खुशखबरी लेकर आये- ‘बीडीओ साहब की खबर आई है। मकान के कागज और चैक लेने पंचायत समिति चलना है।’

शारदा को एकाएक विश्वास नहीं हुआ। उसे तीन साल क्या, तीन महीने भी प्रतीक्षा नहीं करनी पड़ी थी। एक दिन की मजदूरी तो मारी जायेगी किंतु यदि वास्तव में मकान बनाने के लिये मंत्रीजी ने पचास हजार रुपये का चैक दे दिया तो उसके मन की साध पूरी हो जायेगी। यही सोच-सोच कर आज शारदा को नींद नहीं आ रही।

काफी देर तक वह यूं ही पत्थर पर बैठी रही। चंद्रमा अपने स्थान से थोड़ा और हिल गया। झौंपड़े में सन्नाटा था। गांव की सुनसान गलियों में कुत्तों के भौंकने की आवाज जरूर उस सन्नाटे को भेद जाती थी। जाने कब उसी पत्थर पर बैठे-बैठे उसे झपकी आ गई। उसने देखा कि वह अपने पति और श्वसुर के साथ पंचायत समिति में खड़ी है। मंत्रीजी उसे पचास हजार रुपये का चैक थमा रहे हैं। अचानक श्वसुर ने शारदा के हाथ से वह चैक छीन लिया है। शारदा हक्की-बक्की खड़ी है। श्वसुर कह रहे हैं, ला मुझे दे! तू क्या करेगी इस चैक का ?

शारदा से कुछ जवाब न बन पड़ा। बीडीओ साहब ने श्वसुर के हाथों से चैक लेकर फिर से शारदा को दे दिया है। बीडीओ साहब भीखाराम पर बिगड़ रहे हैं। यह चैक तेरे काम का नहीं है। इसका पैसा केवल शारदा को मिल सकता है। श्वसुर के चेहरे पर बेबसी के भाव हैं। शारदा ने चैक मोड़कर ब्लाउज में रख लिया है।

देख शारदा, इस चैक को बैंक में जमा करवा देना। थोड़ा-थोड़ा करके रुपया निकालना और अपना मकान बनाना। इन दोनों को मत देना, न अपने पति को, न अपने श्वसुर को। ये तो इस रुपये को दारू में उड़ा देंगे। शारदा चुप है।

-‘नहीं मालिक। हम दारू नहीं पियेंगे। इन पैसों से हमारे बच्चों के सिर पर पक्की छत ही बनेगी। मदन और भीखाराम हाथ जोड़कर बीडीओ साहब से कह रहे हैं।

-‘और हमारा क्या ?’ शारदा के हाथ से किसी ने चैक फिर से छीन लिया है। चैक तो उसने ब्लाउज में रखा था, फिर से हाथ में कैसे आ गया ? शारदा सोचती है, और चैक छीनने वाले की तरफ देखती है।

-‘अरे ग्राम सेवकजी! ये क्या कर रहे हैं, लाइये चैक मुझे दीजिये। ये मेरा चैक है, इससे मेरे बच्चों का घर बनेगा।’ शारदा बिफर पड़ती है।

-‘ध्यान से देख बावळी! मैं ग्राम सेवक नहीं हूँ।’ चैक छीनने वाला हँसता है।

-‘अरे हाँ, आप तो सरपंचजी हैं। माफ करो मालिक। ये चैक मुझे दे दो।’ शारदा हाथ जोड़ती है।

-‘बावळी हो गई है। मैं तुझे सरपंच दिखाई देता हूँ ?’ चैक छीनने वाला चैक हवा में लहराता है। बीडीओ साहब उसके हाथ से चैक लेकर फिर से शारदा को देते हैं।

-‘जा घर चली जा। यहाँ कोई छीन लेगा।’ बीडीओ साहब स्नेह से शारदा के सिर पर हाथ रखते हैं। शारदा खुशी से रो पड़ती है। चैक फिर से उसके हाथ में आ गया है।

अचानक दृश्य बदल गया है। शारदा अपने झौंपड़े के सामाने खड़ी है। नहीं-नहीं झौंपड़ा नहीं, मकान के सामने खड़ी है। यह तो शारदा का ही मकान है जिस पर पक्की छत दूर से ही चमक रही है।

-‘ऐ........यहां कहां बैठकर सो रही है ?’ किसी ने झिंझोड़कर उठाया।

शारदा ने आंखें खोलीं तो देखा कि दिन निकल आया है। उसका पति मदन उसे झिंझोड़कर उठा रहा है। वहां न कोई सरपंच है, न बीडीओ साहब हैं। वह तो अपने झौंपड़े के बाहर बैठी है। पूरी रात वह इस पत्थर पर बैठी सोती रही है।

-‘अरे! इतना दिन निकल आया ? पंचायत समिति भी तो जाना है।’ शारदा ने हड़बड़ाकर कहा और पत्थर से उठ खड़ी हुई।

- डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

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Gandhi And Subhash Bose At Loggerheads

05.03.2018

POLARIZATION BETWEEN TWO WORLD WARS (With Special reference to Gandhi Vs. Subhash)

The anticipated world war – II had been brewing for quite some time and came as no surprise in the first week of Sept. 1939. Since 1936, the international situation had been fast deteriorating. Indian National Congress was sure, as in the first World War, Britain might entangle India in any future conflict. They remembered the dividends received by India after active participation in the First World War. After the Jallianwalla Bagh and the Rowlatt Acts, it could scarcely ignore the fact that Indian’s participation in the war hinged on the issue of her independence. Indian people had the right to decide whether to participate in any war. If the British Government tried to involve India in any warlike adventure, it would be the duty of Indian people to resist it. The Congress was determined, not to allow India to be exploited by Britain for its imperialist objectives.¹ Such a resolution was again passed in 1928.^₂

Civil disobedience campaign continued intermittently till 1934. Hence the Congress could pay scant attention to international problems and this continued till Jawaharlal Nehru’s taking over the presidentship of the Congress in 1936. Congress policies on international issues were formulated mainly by Nehru. It was, to a great extent, largely due to him that the Congress developed a strong dislike for the aggressive intentions of the Fascist powers and veered round to supporting the causes of democracy and freedom as against the forces of Fascism., Nazism and Imperialism.

The Lucknow Congress (April 1936) affirmed its conviction that lasting peace could only be established with removal of the underlying causes of war and cessation of the domination and exploitation of one nation by another. Apprehending that in the event of such a war an attempt would inevitably be made to drag in and exploit India for the benefit of British imperialism, the Congress reiterated its determination to oppose Indian participation in any imperialist war.³ This imperialist became a recurring theme of all Congress sessions till 1939.⁴

Striving to obtain its main objectives i.e. India’s Independence, the Congress followed a dual policy during 1936-39. It openly condemned the warlike activities of Italy, Germany and Japan and expressed strong sympathy and moral support towards the victims of Fascist aggression. Simultaneously, the Congress repeatedly declared that India would support any war against fascism and Nazism only if she herself became independent. The Congress put both the Facist and the imperialist powers at the same level. Once imperialism, the root cause of conflict was eliminated, fascism would then automatically be defeated. On 1 May 1939, the All India Congress Committee re-affirmed its determination to oppose all attempts to involve India or use Indian resources in such a war without the consent of the Indian people. ⁵ As war seemed imminent following the Nazi occupation of Czechoslavakia, the Congress working committee warned in the second week of August 1939, that it would not welcome any imposition of war on India. It did not approve of the policy of sending Indian troops to Middle East or Far East. As a protest, it called upon the Congress members of the Central Legislative Assembly to refrain from attending the next session. The Working Committee further advised the Congress ministries in the provinces not to cooperate with the Government’s, war effort and to remain prepared to lay down office, if the Congress policy led to this contingency.⁶

Subhash had well formed political opinions even before joining politics. At Cambridge, he studied more European History including some original source books like Bismarck’s Autobiograhy, Metternich’s Memories and Cavour’s Letters etc. “These original sources”, Bose recalls, “more than anything else, studied at Cambridge, helped to rouse my political sense and to foster my understanding of the inner currents of International Politics.⁷ He was firmly convinced that “a nation can be made only by the uncompromising idealism of Hampden and Cromwell” and followed his goal of achieving India’s freedom with an uncompromising spirit. He replied to his friend Dilip Roy, who shared his views: “Those of us who still fondly believed that India’s going to win her independence by raising echoes to such nostrums of alien countries are blowing hope bubbles of illusion. They don’t know what they are talking about.⁸ For the obvious reasons that nobody helps another disinterestedly, not politics, recalls Mirzafar⁹. Didn’t he believe as fondly as you believe in English Labour or Russian Communists, the Clive would help him on his throne and then gallantly buttress him with the fealty of an obedient vassal? No Dilip, Sir Aurbindo was perfectly right when he said in the Swadeshi days that no outsider, would help India. If we ourselves can’t win our freedom none will come to our rescue.”^₁₀

Subhas was clear in his mind that Indian people have to be organized to start a revolution, ideas of revolution were not to be imported from Russia or from any other country. The Indian revolutionary movement at the time of partition of Bengal was vivid in his mind. It was due to his radical views that the Gandhian ideology could not exert any lasting influence on Bose. It was an interesting co-incidence that he travelled in the same ship with Rabindranath Tagore and this short contact helped him to confirm his views on the political problems of India. In his own worlds: “I had occasion to discuss with him the new policy of non-cooperation adopted by the Congress. He was only anxious that there should be more of constructive activity….. what he suggested was analogous to the constructive side of the Irish Sinn Fein movement and was completely in accord with my views.”

After the arrival in Bombay on July 16, 1921 Subhas met Mahatma Gandhi at Mani Bhavan. Gandhi’s influence had tremendously increased since the special session of the Congress in Calcutta in the Autumn of 1920. Gandhiji was, undoubtedly, the most prominent leader of the Congress and Subhas wanted to understand him in the light of the ideas acquired at Cambridge, before accepting this leadership. Gandhi had, by now become one of the most prominent leaders of the Congress and the National Movement was entering a new and dynamic phase. Gandhi’s unique weapons of Satyagrapha¹¹ and cooperation were proving effective.

Bose wanted Gandhi to elucidate on three points. How were the different activities conducted by the Congress going to culminate in the last stage of the campaign namely, the non-payment of taxes? How could non-payment of taxes or civil disobedience force the government to retire and grant freedom to Indians. How could the Mahatama promise Swaraj within one year as he had been doing since the last session of the Indian National Congress? Subhas was satisfied with Gandhi’s answer to the first question but the replies to the other two were not convincing. This was the first fateful meeting between Subhas and Gandhi. They had agreement on the ultimate objective of India’s freedom, but there were fundamental differences on the method of achieving the objective. In the words of S.A.Ayer, the Minister for Publicity and information in the Provisional Government of Azad Hind: “Agreement on the ultimate objective of India’s freedom from foreign rule, the fundamental differences on the method of achieving the objective largely characterized the political relations between these two leaders from the day Subhas first met Mahatma in Bombay in July 1921 till they met for the first time in Wardha in June 1940. With the Mahatma, non-violence was a living creed, it was an article of faith that the use of force was necessary to dislodge the alien ruler from Indian soil¹³.

Bose’s first meeting with Gandhi was “a failure in its immediate purpose¹⁴ and as it is known to recorded history it “set the tenor of future relation between the two.”¹⁵ “The common characteristics which united Mahatma Gandhi and S.C. Bose were their ability to transform ideas into facts and their implacable sense of discipline.” Alexander Werth tries to point out the reasons for divergences in the approach of these two great leaders of India’s freedom movement. “In view of this similarity the temporary divergences which occurred between Gandhi and Bose who had devoted themselves to the same task for many years, could only affect the procedures as to how to approach the goal, taking into account the frequent changes and uncertain situations before and during the war. The great difference in age, naturally, played a big role too. Netaji’s birth was separated from that of Gandhi’s by one generation. This means, from the beginning – even considering the common aim both the personalities had in mind there was fundamental difference in temperament and style. This polarity forms a part of Indian history and consequently the world history.

Gandhi could read the mind of Subhas and advised him to report to C.R. Das when he reached Calcutta. Subhash had already established a contact with Das through letters from Cambridge and on reaching Calcutta, he took the earliest opportunity to meet him. This meeting proved to be very auspicious. Bose writes: “During the course of our conversation I began to feel that here was a man who knew what he was about, who could give all that he had, and who could demand from others all that they could give, a man whom youthfulness was not a shortcoming but a virtue. By the time our conversation came to an end my mind was made up. I felt I had found a leader and meant to follow him.¹⁸

START OF ACTIVE POLITICAL WORK

In 1921, when Bose entered the political arena, India witnessed hectic political activity. Gandhi’s call for ‘Swaraj within a year; had electrified the whole nation. His unique method of non cooperation had great appeal for the people. Gandhi gave a call for boycotting legislatures, courts and educational institutions. On August 1, 1921 the first Anniversary of Lokmanya Tilak’s death was observed throughout the country with huge bonfires of foreign cloth. This symbolic agitation created tremendous patriotic fervour in the country.

C.R. Das was immensely satisfied with the ability and sincerity of Subhas and placed him in charge of the publicity board of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. He was also made head of the National Volunteer Corps. When some people complained that a single person should not be entrusted with so many responsibilities and that too when he is inexperienced, C.R. Das assured them: “I can see through persons. Bose will never belie my expectations. He will be the right man to do justice to the work”.

Bose effectively organized the propaganda activities of the Congress in such a manner that the Government felt terribly embarrassed. The statesman of Calcutta recognized the great ability of Subhas. Subhas’ main slogan was “To make our non-cooperation with the Britishers successful, Indians must have the fullest cooperation among themselves.²⁰ In September 1921, many Congress leaders, headed by Gandhi, came to Calcutta to persuade the former revolutionary to join the new cooperation movement. Most of the leaders were the guests of C.R. Das and Subhas was entrusted with the duty of arranging the meeting between Gandhi and the revolutionaries. It is an irony of history that Subhas who later followed the method and programme of action of the revolutionaries had to mediate for arranging a meeting between Gandhi, the apostle of peace and non violence, and the revolutionaries who believed in blood and sacrifice.

The non-cooperation movement became very prominent as it was used as an effective non violent weapon to protest against the proposed visit of the price of Wales to India with the purpose of assuaging public feelings and to make the Indians cooperative in their attitude towards the inauguration of the Montford Reforms. Instructions were issued by the Congress Working Committee to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales and a call for a hartal on November 17, was given. On this day, the Prince was scheduled to land in Bombay. The hartal was a grand success, especially in Calcutta the whole administration was Paralysed.²¹ A Government notification was issued within 24 hours declaring the Congress Volunteer organization illegal C.R. Das, in an emergency meeting, was vested with all powers and was also authorized to nominate his successor. Bose had earlier become a member of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and C.R. Das put him in charge of the new movement. “In the next two months he was prominent in the agitation against the Prince of Wales’ visit, and under took the leadership of the Congress Volunteers in Calcutta.²²

Thousands came forward to join as volunteers for courting arrest. There was no room for them in the jails and orders were issued for summary release, but no one was prepared to leave the prison. C.R. Das said: “I feel the handcuffs on my wrists and the weight of iron on my body. It is agony of bondage”.²³

In shear frustration, the Government arrested C.R. Das but Bose was not arrested in the beginning. He put on a long face for which he was teased by Das as “Our Crying Captain”. On December 10, 1921, Bose was arrested for parading illegally and received a sentence for six months simple imprisonment. “Only six months”, he mocked at the magistrate, “have I then stolen a chicken?”²⁴. In prison, Bose lived in close proximity with C.R. Das and served him as secretary, cook and valet. He had long discussions with him on several subjects and benefitted very much by broadening his mental horizon. “For Bose he came to stand in the place of the guru he had sought so long.²⁵

Lord Reading, the Viceroy , was anxious for a compromise and wanted the Congress to call off the proposed boycott of the Prince’s visit to Calcutta on December 24. ²⁶ If the Congress acceded to this the Government would order a Round table conference of the Congress and the Government for a general release of all prisoners and arrange for summoning a round table conference of the Congress and the government representatives to discuss proposed reforms.²⁷ This was communicated to C.R. Das through Madan Mohan Malaviya. Das and Abdul Kalam Azad accepted this offer inspite of opposition from younger elements including Subhas Bose. The year in which Gandhi promised Swaraj was drawing to a close and C.R. Das wanted that something ought to be done to save the prestige of the Congress.²⁸ He thought that the Congress may not succeed but its failure would provide the Congress to fight with redoubled vigour and force. Gandhi insisted on the release of the Ali Brothers²⁹ and a firm declaration of the date and nature of composition of the proposed Round Table Congress. The viceroy was no longer in a mood to continue the parleys and the matter ended there itself. The Government of India, tired of waiting, had changed their mind.” The Deshbandhu was beside himself with anger and disgust. The chance of a life time, he said, “had been lost.”³⁰

The Congress Movement of 1921. The year, 1921 came to an end with a whimper as nothing startling was achieved. Bose as an objective critic of Gandhi, while recognizing the great ability of the leader did not spare the shortcomings. “There can, of course, be no doubt that within twelve months, the country had made tremendous progress and much of the credit for that belonged to the Mahatma, But what has to be regretted is that the he did not show sufficient diplomacy and prudence when the crucial hour arrived. In this connection, I am reminded of what Desh Bandhu used to frequently say about the virtues and failings, of Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership. According to him, the Mahatma opens a campaign in a brilliant fashion; he works it up with unerring skill; he moves from success to success till he reaches the Zenith of his campaign but after that he loses his nerve and begins to falter.³¹

The year, 1921, undoubtedly, gave the country a highly organized party-organization. Before that, the Congress was a constitutional party and mainly a talking body. The Mahatma not only gave it a new constitution on nation-wise basis-but what is more important, converted it into a revolutionary organization.³² But, in spite of its glorious achievements, the movements of 1921 failed. Gandhi called off the civil-disobedience movement altogether,³³ following the incident in Chauri Chaura, where some policemen were killed as angry villagers set fire to a police station. Except for his closest followers, all congressmen decried this move of Gandhi. Bose considered it as “nothing short of national calamity.³⁴” C.R. Das, Moti Lal Nehru and Jawaharlal Nehru³⁵ were all greatly disappointed and annoyed at such a decision by Gandhiji³⁶. J.L. Nehru agreed that the decision to call off the movement brought out a certain demoralization: “It is possible that this sudden bottling up of a great movement contributed to a tragic development in the country. The drift is sporadic and futile violence in the political struggle was stopped, but the suppressed violence had to find a way out, and in the following years, this, perhaps, aggravated the communal trouble.”³⁷

The non-cooperation movement started by Gandhi let loose many forces in the country which posed a threat to the safety of the British Empire in Iindia.³⁸ The suspension of movement, however, had dampening effect on public enthusiasm and morale. “For half a decade after the blow of Bardoli, the national movement was prostrated. The Congress fell to a low ebb.³⁹”

The boycott of the legislatures, as conceived by the Calcutta Congress in 1920, had proved to be a failure; while the nationalists had kept away from the legislatures, the undesirables had captured those bodies. These people instead of assisting popular movement in the country, had lent their support to the Government. Through their help, the Government was able to demonstrate to the world that in their policy of repression, they had the support of the elected members of the legislatures ⁴⁰. C.R.Das was of the view that in a revolutionary, the points of vantage should not be left in the hands of the enemy. He, therefore, wanted that all elected seats in the legislatures and public bodies like the municipalities and district boards should be captured by Congressmen to “carry on a policy of uniform, continuous and consistent opposition to the Government.” This was necessary to prevent the Government and its agents from doing any mischief….It meant the extension of Congress activity to capturing elected seats in the Legislatures and the public bodies. “As these discussions went on for some weeks, two parties crystalled among the political prisoners’ in the Alipore Jail and they proved to be the nuclei of the future ‘Swaraj and ‘No-change’ Parties.⁴¹

Subhas Bose had been released from jail earlier, than the release of C.R. Das and he became the chairman of the reception committee of the All Bengal Young Men’s Conference held at Calcutta in September 1922. In his speech, Bose laid stress on constructive activities, social uplift and mass education.⁴² There was an unprecedented flood in the northern districts of Bengal in September 1922. Bose recruited hundreds of volunteers to help in the relief works which was a great success.⁴³ The annual session of the Indian National Congress which was to be held in Gaya in the last week of December 1922 attracted the attention of the whole country. C.R. Das was again elected the president. The session almost became a battle ground between the advocates of council-entry and the opponents of council entry, They were known as ‘no changers’ and ‘pro Changers’ The resolution supported by C.R. Das was lost on December 31,1992 by 1784 votes to 890.Subhas was the chief lien lieutenant of Das at Gaya. M. Tayyebulla writes: “…… we had Subhash as C.R. Das’ Lientenant at Gaya. Young Subhas was following Das and Motilal Nehru more than Gandhi, whose creed to him was ‘a vague philosophy’, ‘a religious ideal’, ‘a beautiful vision’, and a ‘religious credo’, but not something that could be called ‘politics’! Subhas began his public life is the Swaraj party.⁴⁴

The Swaraj Party:

After the rejection of the proposal at Gaya Congress, C.R. Das resigned as President of the All India Congress Committee. Pt.Mtilal Nehru, the general secretary of the Party, also resigned and both formed the Swaraj Party on January 1,1923, a day after their resignation. “This unexpected blow cast a shadow on the faces of Mahatma’s supporters. Most of the outstanding intellectuals were on the side of C.R. Das and there was no doubt that without them, the Congress would lose much of its strength and importance”.⁴⁵This was the second loss for Congress after the exit of the liberals. If the supporters of Gandhiji left Gaya satisfied at their victory, the Swarajists with a sense of defeat but with the determination to fight and win.⁴⁶ Bose had no choice other than supporting his boss. He “had naturally cast his lot with his leader and become a faithful if not an ardent ‘pro-changer.⁴⁷” Bose was made the editor of the journal ‘Banglar Katha’-started for party propaganda. He was given the responsibility of managing the daily paper, Forward, which went on to becoming a nationalist paper of India. Many forceful articles published theirin attempted to interpret India in terms of Marxist ideas.⁴⁸

Subhas was greatly influenced by socialist and Marxist ideas. Forward, which became the mouthpiece of the Swaraj party, expressed radical views on many contemporary political problems and added to the prestige of the party. Despite the opposition of the followers of Gandhi, the Swaraj Party gained great popularity among the masses. The political atmosphere of the country was vitiated by feelings of bitterness between the two parties and “the breach between the two groups of Congress was now open.⁴⁹ In spite of just two months for fighting elections, the Swarajists succeeded in winning a large numbers of seats in the Central Legislative Assembly. Bose writes:…. In the central provinces, the election returns were excellent and it was clear that by their obstructive tactics, the Swarajists would be able to paralyse the works of the Local Legislative Council.”⁵⁰ Subhas soon emerged as a well-known youth leader. The “All Bengal youth League” was formed under his presidentship with an ambitious programme. When Gandhi was pre-maturely released, the Swarajists were eager to seek his blessings. Das and Motilal Nehru met him in Juhu, Bombay, where he was convalescing. Even after prolonged discussions the two were unable to convince Gandhi, who was of the view that the Swarajist strategy of ‘obstruction form within’ was a contradiction in terms⁵¹. Gandhi refused to help the Swarajists, but in view of the Congress resolution in favour of council entry, he advised his followers to remain absolutely neutral and adhere to the Constructive Programme. “On principle he was, of course, bitterly opposed to the Swarajist policy of ‘Council entry’, nevertheless, he did not adopt a hostile attitude. If may be that he found the position of Swarajists to be too strong in the country to able to overthrow them, so he bowed to the inevitable. Or it may be that he felt that the changed circumstances in the country warranted a change in tactics⁵².”

In April 1924, the Swarajists hegemony over Calcutta Corporation was established. Subhas Bose was returned unopposed and was appointed the Chief Executive Officer in April,1923. The Government was not pleased with this appointment and its sanction was not given until a month later.⁵³ “At the age of twenty-seven he was, thus, in a far more responsible position than any which he could have occupied in the Indian Civil Service for many years.”⁵⁴ After Bose joined office, the administration of the Calcutta corporation got a new orientation under the Swarajists. Khadi became the official uniform of the Municipal Employees and the Swarajist councillors had already taken to it. Steps were taken to open schools and colleges. Provision was made for social welfare and public health services. Streets and public places were named after nationalist heroes. Nationalist leaders were given office receptions and the practice of presenting addresses to high Government officials was discontinued. “…… Municipality arranged to give civic receptions to Nationalist leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Motilal Nehru and Mr. V.J. Patel when they visited the city and the previous custom of giving civic receptions to Viceroys, Governors, and officials was discontinued once and for all.⁵⁵ The Calcutta Municipal Gazette, a weakly civic journal, the first of its kind in the whole country, was published.⁵⁶ Preferential treatment was given to the minorities in civic appointments.⁵⁷ From a political worker, Bose became a civic official dedicated to constructive hard work, and for the time being, was lost to the Congress.⁵⁸

“People for the first time began to look upon the Municipality as their own institution and upon Municipal officers and employees as public servants and not bureaucrats.⁵⁹Though in the beginning, things were smooth, gradually there was bitter opposition from the Government , “with the result that constant friction used to take place.”

As a dynamite did not explode in time, Lord Irwin had a providential escape. The independence resolution which was moved in the session of the Congress included a clause congratulating the Viceroy for his providential escape which read: “The Congress deplores the bomb outrage perpetrated on the Viceroy’s train and reiterates its conviction that such action is not only contrary to the creed of the Congress , but results in harm being done to the national cause . It congratulates the Viceroy and Lady Irwin and their party, including the poor servants on their fortunate and narrow escape.⁶⁰ Bose was opposed to the inclusion of such a clause in a political resolution. He writes: “The feeling in the Congress was that, that clause was uncalled for in the political resolution, but the Mahatma insisted on retaining it, probably he wanted to placate Lord Irwin and prepare the ground of a rapprochement in future.⁶¹ “Inevitably official suspicion turned against him: to the British he was that most sinister of objects, an enigma^.62” A new emergency ordinance was issued by the Viceroy, called the Bengal Ordinance. Subhas Bose “was arrested as one of the most dangerous.⁶³ Hugh Toye writes: “No charge was ever brought and such was the clamour against his arbitrary detention that, had a conviction been possible, the authorities could hardly have refrained from trying him”.⁶⁴

Bose’s Return to Active Politics

C.R. Das’ demise ⁶⁵ sounded the death knell of the Swaraj Party which merged itself in Congress. By mid 1927 When Bose returned to Active politics, the darkest hour had come to an end and the horizon looked well-lit. Bose was elected the president of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee. Though he had good relations with J.M. Sen Gupta in the beginning, soon strained as both differed fundamentally on vital issues. Bengal Congress politics was vitiated as rival groups of the Jugantar and Anusilan parties extended support to Bose and Gupta respectively.⁶⁶ Bose blamed Sen Gupta and Kiran Shankar Roy for the miserable state of affairs of the Congress. He felt there was the need or a strong man to settle factional differences and to constitute one United national party in Bengal. ⁶⁷ Bose, for sometime remained aloof from rampant factional politics of Bengal but the involvements of his elder brother Sarat Bose, a personal and political confidant, did not allow Subhas to remain outside Congress conflicts ⁶⁸. After C.R. Das passed away, Bengal became known for factional politics and no single individual or group was able to control all the factions ⁶⁹. The conflict was mainly between the Gandhian High Command, the dominant faction at the centre of the Congress organization and the Boses who were most often the dominant faction in Bengal Congress ⁷⁰. Bengal politics was a tangled web of shifting alliances ⁷¹.

Bose heard the news of the suspension of the civil disobedience Movement by Gandhi. Bose and Patel were both furious at such a decision on flimsy grounds. Bose considered it an ignoble surrender to the British ⁷². The history of 1922 was repeating itself. They issued a joint statement ⁷³ denouncing the suspension of the moment, which no-body in India had dared to do inspite of their resentment against the Congress action. Though Jawaharlal Nehru ⁷⁴, J.B. Kiriplani ⁷⁵, K.M. Munshi ⁷⁶ and Pattabhai Sitaramaya all tried to justify Gandhi’s mysterious decision on different grounds. Signing of the joint statement was “Patel’s last political Act”. Soon he died on October 22, 1933.

During his stay in Europe for nearly four years, Bose had been thoroughly disillusioned with the Gandhi philosophy and strategy for winning independence for India. He had set his mind on evolving more radical methods of mass organization and armed revolt in various European countries which had won their independence by applying this method. He visited Berlin and Rome many times and met top ranking Nazi and Fascist leaders to ascertain their views about India’s freedom. He met Mussolini several times but could not get to meet Hitler as the latter was not prepared to have any discussion with him ⁷⁹. He enquired as to when Germany would strike Britain “so that India might also take up arms simultaneously against the British.” But Hitler was never in favour of the Indian Declaration of Independence against Britain ⁸⁰. Bose wanted that world opinion should be mobilized in favour of Indian independence ⁸¹ and India should not hesitate to get help from foreign powers hostile to Great Britain. On this point, he developed a fundamental difference with Gandhi ⁸². He was much impressed by the underground movement of the Sinn Feins and considered this successful historic movement as a good model for India’s fight for freedom. Bose highly valued de Valera’s leadership and his valiant fight against the British. He was cordially received by the Irish leader who expressed full sympathy for the Indian cause ⁸³. With Irish support Bose wanted the Indian fight for freedom known to the whole world.⁸⁴

On the Indian political scene, political recession was evident on all fronts since the release of Gandhi in 1933. Till 1937, Gandhiji’s leadership remained withdrawn, but the Congress was dominated by his urdent supporters and followers. During 1933-37, period, of political retirement, Gandhi exercised his powers through Jawaharlal Nehru “who, in one aspect of his personality was Plato to Gandhi the Socrates. ⁸⁵” Although Nehru’s popularity increased during this period, yet he was unable to provide the “Congress with that quality of leadership which had, since 1919, given it the dominant voice in India.⁸⁶ Hugh Toye was correct in his assessment that this lack of dynamic leadership in the Congress was responsible for the unimpaired influence of Bose, in spite of his exile in Europe. Bose was a fiery patriot who symbolized the forces of socialism, secularism and pragmatism. He had the promise of an alternative leadership in the Congress and large sections of people who wanted that the country should take radical, progressive and even extremist steps to win the independence of India, admired him as the savior of the nation, the shortcomings of his political faith not withstanding. No Indian leader was capable of substituting for Bose. Hugh Toye who has been able to free himself from seeing things with British eyes had to admit that when Bose’s ‘The Indian struggle ‘ reached India in 1935, “its doctrines had an audience hardly less favorable than if Bose in person had been preaching them.⁸⁷

Gandhi’s decision to sponsor the election of his most vocal critic as Congress president, had surprised many of his followers. But Gandhi had sponsored Bose’s candidature to forge unity between the Left wing and the Right wing in the Congress. It was also a shrewed move on the part of Gandhi as he knew that the election of a fire-brand like Bose to the office of Congress president would be a timely warning to the British and provide a strong bargaining counter. Again by securing the election of Bose as Congress President, Gandhi might have thought of taking the wind out of the sails of the Leftists as he had done earlier by sponsoring the case of Jawaharlal. But it did not succeed in the case of Bose, and soon their differences became public.

As president, after the Haripura session, Bose was conscious of Gandhi’s “incorrigible habit of putting all the cards on the table, his opposition to the policy of social boycott of the political opponents, his hope of a change of heart on the part of the British Government” ⁸⁸ but at the same time, he was aware of the supreme need of unity in the Congress to fight against British imperialism and all the impervious designs of the rulers. He, therefore, said: “The Congress today is one supreme organ of mass struggle. It may have its Right block and its Left but it is a common platform for all anti-imperialist organisations striving for Indian emancipation. Let us, therefore, rally the whole country under the banner of the Indian National Congress".⁸⁹ He appealed to all Leftist Groups in the country to pool all their energy and resources for democratizing Congress and reorganizing it on the broadest anti-imperialist lines. Outlining his policy on the eve of the Haripura Congress session, Bose said: “My term of office as the Congress president will be devoted to resist this unwanted federal scheme with all its undemocratic and anti-national features, with all the peaceful Legitimate powers, including non-violent non-cooperation if necessary and to strengthen the country’s determination to resist this scheme”. ⁹⁰

The adoption of other methods of attainment of independence constituted the vital difference between Gandhi and Subhas. Gandhi, occasionally, retired from politics when the difference of opinion between him and the other prominent members was acute in the Congress, but staged a comeback in an attempt to achieve compromise with the forces which were to be reckoned with. In the year 1934, the year when the Congress Socialist Party was organized, Gandhi resigned from the membership of the Congress and in a parting statement explained that “there is a growing and vital difference of outlook between many Congressmen and myself." ⁹¹ It was clear that the majority of Congressmen accepted non-violence as only a policy and not as a fundamental creed; The strength of the socialist and radical forces in the Congress was growing: “If they gain ascendancy in the Congress, as they well may, I cannot remain in the Congress”. ⁹² But Gandhi’s resignation from the Congress membership or his formal retirement for a temporary period did not remove his influence from Congress. For years to come, Gandhi was Congress and Congress was Gandhi. When Gandhi sponsored the candidature of Jawaharlal Nehru in 1936 for the Congress presidentship, it marked a recognition on his part of the inevitable ascendency of the forces of socialism.

In spite of his earlier differences with Gandhi and his group, as Congress President, Bose determined to abstain from doing anything that would offend Gandhi as far as possible and worked with an equal determination to provide leadership to the Congress in moulding it according to his plan of thinking. In selecting members of the working committee, he did not deviate from the old pattern: “All important decisions were taken by the working committee as a body. The President was the first among equals.” ⁹³ Even in the matter of preparing his presidential address for the Haripura Congress session, Bose did not deviate from the traditional practice of Congress presidents in taking advice from the Mahatma. As a keen student of History, Bose knew that empires have invariably gone through the process of expansion and after reaching the Zenith of prosperity, have gradually shrunk into insignificance and sometimes death. He was sure that the same fate awaited the British Empire and apart from the external pressure it was sure to break down under its won strain. Bose was being prophetic when he hinted at the British policy of divide and rule and its application to India. At that time Pakistan was nowhere on the horizon but the British continued their sinister move to divide the Hindus and the Muslims in order to neutralize the demand for the transference of power. ⁹⁴ Bose had realized that the perpetuation of the princely sates in India would mean the perpetration of the mischief of imperialism through a different counter. This was also another example of the British policy of divide and rule.

Ever since the beginning of his political career, Bose was a Champion of communal harmony. In his attempt to seek a solution to the vexed Hindu-Muslim question, he held a series of meetings with Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim league. All his efforts failed to bring any result due to Jinnah’s obduracy. Bose was conscious that a worsening of Hindu-Muslim relations would lead to vivisection of India and he was determined to avert this disaster. But as ill luck would have it, he was removed from the political scene in India and his dream of a united India was belied. It would not be out of place to mention in his context that it was Bose’s secular approach and his acceptability to the Muslims that must have been Gandhi’s main consideration for Gandhi to propose his name for the presidentship in 1938, inspite of their ideological differences. Gandhi, perhaps, thought, and not without reason, that Bose’s election as Congress President would arrest the mounting tide of communalism in the country.

Bose became Congress President on the initiative of Gandhi but it was certainly not an undeserving favour bestowed on him. By 1938, Bose was one of the front-ranked leaders of the Left wing in the Congress, he rightly deserved his high office and Gandhi’s choice had the whole hearted support of the Nation. Thus Gandhi was right for his selection of the Congress president for the session at Haripur, but it was wrong on his part to expect that like Jawaharlal, Subhas would be won over to his side. Bose knew that in spite of the cordiality on the surface from both sides, his polices and principles were not liked by the Gandhi wing. The cordiality between Bose and the members of the Congress Working Committee since the Haripura session was like the full force of the storm and Bose’s decision to contest for a second term of presidentship resulted in open hostlity ⁹⁵. Till that time, the choice of the president was made by the working committee informally, on the basis of Gandhi’s directives.The Congress High Command was displeased with Bose’s decision to contest for the second term. ⁹⁶But he neither assigned any reason for his opposition to Boses candidature nor did he make it explicit. Bose‘s decisions to contest for presidentship for the second time was nothing unusual. The reasons given by Sitaramayya, justifying Gandhi’s opposition to Bose’s candidature, appear unconvincing.⁹⁷ Prior to Bose, Jawaharlal had presided over the Congress thric ⁹⁸ and Gandhi, at first, suggested his name when he returned from Europe in November 1938. ⁹⁹ Gandhi proposed the name of Maulana Azad when Nehru declined. Azad had also presided over the Congress once in 1923, and he agreed, he would have been contesting for the second term. Sitaramyya’s argument that in proposing Azad’s name Gandhi was guided by the consideration of seeking a solution to the communal question by electing a Muslim as Congress president was the main aim of Gandhi as contended, there was no dearth of Nationalist Muslims who could have been nominated to the office after Azad declined the offer. Gandhi’s choice was not a Muslim, but Sitaramyya ¹⁰⁰ himself, who was his staunch follower and supported him “ with the whole weight of his authority”.¹⁰¹

Patel Against Subhash’s Re-Election

Subhash said at the end of 1938 that he desired another year in Congress’ chair. Patel, who had not liked Subhash’s selection a year earlier was disturbed. The reaction had a personal component. Vallabhbhai’s misgivings about Subhash’s role in Vithalbhai’s will had not died, and he held a poor opinion of Subhash’s efficiency. In July, 1938, he had written to Prasad who had fallen ill: “Jawahar has gone abroad for atleast 4 months. You go out for 6 months, and we have to deal with a President who does not know his own job.” ¹⁰² Yet Patel would have opposed Subhash’s re-appointment even if the episode had never occurred and even if his estimate of Subhash’s capability had been different.¹⁰³

His disagreements with Subhash were profound. Subhash was eager and Vallabhbhai reluctant, to exploit Englands vulnerability before Hitler’s threats. Whereas Subhash felt that the moment had come for mass disobedience to oust the British, Patel thought that Congress’ principal task in 1939 was to consolidate its power in the rovinces. Not that Subhash was indifferent to the advantages of power. Yet Subhash seemed ready by the end of 1938 to pull out all the Congress Ministries in a war with the Raj-a course that appeared unwarranted and unwise to Patel. ¹⁰⁴ Another difference was over Gandhi, who was dispensible in Subhash’s eyes but absolutely necessary to the Sardar. Finally, though Subhash had led Congress in 1938 in the manner of a constitutional monarch, he now desired a Prime Minister’s power for the Congress President. Vallabhbhai’s views on this question, spelt out without ambiguity at the end of 1936, were the opposite of Subhash’s and had not been altered. ¹⁰⁵ Subhash’s candidacy became even less appealing to Patel after he received a report from Azad about the line being taken by Bose’s supporters.

Bose’s decision to contest the election despite Gandhi’s disapproval was guided by ideological considerations rather than personal ambitions. He thought the war was imminent in which England would be involved and the Congress needed a definite Realist orientation in order to take maximum advantage out of England’s difficulties.¹⁰² Accordingly he issued a statement on January 21,1939 : “The issue is not a personal one. The progressive sharpening of the anti-imperialist struggle in India has given birth to new ideas, ideologies, problems and programmes. People are, consequently, veering around to the opinion that, as in other countries, the Congress Presidential election in India should be fought on the basis of definite problems and programmes so that the contest may help the clarification of issues and give a clear indication of the working of the public mind.¹⁰³” Bose sought re-election as a protest against possible compromise: “There is a prospect of a compromise on the Federal scheme between the right wing of the Congress and the British Government during the coming year. Consequently, the right wing do not want a Leftist president who may be a thorn in the way of compromise and may put obstacles in the path of negotiations.¹⁰⁴ It may be pointed out here that a man of Rabindranath Tagore’s eminence, requested Gandhi to allow Bose a second term.¹⁰⁵ This is evidence of the fact that Tagore lost faith in Gandhi’s method and was confident that the modernist ¹⁰⁶ alone were capable of delivering the goods. On 24th January, 1939, six members of the Congress working Committee issued a statement opposing the re-election of Subhas Chander Bose.¹⁰⁷

CSP leaders supported Bose for his re-election and most of the CSP delegates voted for Bose. In the face of opposition of the official machine, Bose emerged victorious in the election. Bose was declared elected by 200 votes. Bose cautioned his followers against making any provocative statements but his election became the talk of the country on the whole. It was considered by many as the defeat of the right-Wing and the end of the Gandhian era in the Congress. The election of Bose, in the face of opposition from Gandhi and the Right-wing, led to sharp inner crisis in the Congress. Gandhi was not prepared to take it lying down and he issued a statement after the election of Bose which gave rise to an undesirable controversy which, ultimately, led to a serious breach in the Congress: “I must confess that from the very beginning, I was decidedly against his election for reasons into which I need not go. Since I was instrumental in inducing Dr. Pattabhi not to withdraw his name as a candidate, the defeat was more mine than his. And, I am nothing if I do not represent definite principles and policy. Therefore, its plain to me that the delegates do not approve of the principles and policy for which I stand. I rejoice in this defeat.” Subhas Babu, instead of being President on the sufferance of those whom he calls Rightists, is now President in a contest election. This enables him to choose a homogenous cabinet and enforce his programme without let or hindrance. ¹¹⁰

Gandhi threw a challenge to Bose and asked him to carry on the work of the Congress without his support. Gandhi issued a statement accusing the Congress of becoming a ‘corrupt organisation’ with bogus members and asked the right Wing to come out of the Congress. While complementing Bose, he also held out a threat that those Congressmen who do not approve his policy, should leave Congress: “After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He has suffered for it. In his opinion, his is the most forward and boldest policy and programme…………. I must remind all congressmen that those, who being Congress-minded remain outside it by design, represent it the most. Those, therefore, who feel uncomfortable in being in the Congress, may come out, not in a spirit of ill-will, but with the deliberate purpose of rendering more effective service. ¹¹¹ “Gandhi had become uncompromising in his attitude to Bose. He had treated the election of Bose as a vote of no-confidence in his leadership and the rejection of the principles for which he stood. He had taken the defeat of Sitaramayya as his personal defeat ¹¹². Bose regretted this attitude of Gandhi: “It grieves me to find that Mahatma Gandhi has taken it as a personal defeat. I would respectfully differ from him on this point. The voters were not called upon to vote for or against Mahatma Gandhi.¹¹³

Bose tried to dispel the apprehension in some quarters of a split between the Leftists and the Rightists: ¹¹⁴ “Personally, I am definitely of the opinion that there is neither reason nor justification for a split within the ranks of Congress…… Let me make it quite clear that there will be no violent break with the past, parliamentary or in the extra-parliamentary sphere".¹¹⁵ It was not at all surprising to anybody, but in spite of the recurring differences, both the political leaders had great admiration for each other. ¹¹⁶ What appeared surprising to Bose at this critical juncture was the attitude of Jawaharlal, whom he had always held in respect for his radical socialistic views. He hoped that Nehru would definitely support him in his conflict with the old guard. But Nehru brought all sorts of allegations against him. In one of his letters he challenged Bose: “In effect you have functioned more as speaker than as a directing President." ¹¹⁷ Bose was astonished when Nehru refuted his connections with the radical elements:¹¹⁸ “I rubbed and rubbed my eyes when I read the remark to the effect that inspite of his long association with the Congress, Panditji had never been closely associated with any particular group in it….. Pandit ji has for long been the spearhead of the radical forces of our country. I appeal to him in this fateful hour of our history to shake off his present vacillation and give a bold and correct lead to all the radical and progressive forces in the country". The later political developments alienated Bose and Nehru from each other and Bose attributed his defeat entirely to Nehru: Nobody has done more harm to me personally and to our cause in this crisis than Pandit Nehru. ¹¹⁹ This caustic remark is in one of his letters to his nephew Amiyanath. But it was no use blaming Nehru since he had surrendered his political leftism to his loyalty for Gandhi. He confessed this to Taya Zinkin: I had realized that, at that stage, whatever one’s view might be about the way India should develop, Gandhi was India. Anything that weakened Gandhi weakened India. So, I subordinate myself to Gandhi although I was in agreement with what Bose was trying to do.¹²⁰

During the year as Congress President, Bose felt that he was being subverted by the Congress working committee which was having rightest majority. Inspite of opposition from Gandhi and his followers, Bose could have done much had the Left wing been able to maintain its unity after the election of Bose and passing of the ‘National Demand resolution. Before the Tripuri session on March 7, Bose met Gandhi at Wardha on February 15 in a bid to win his support. The meeting was unsuccessful and Gandhi remained firm on his own principles and was of the view that Bose was not sincere in seeking his support. Bose’s lack of co-operation with a majority of working committee members became an “effective barrier in a further co-operation between him and Gandhiji. On the eve of the Tripuri Congress, the events at Rajkot forced Gandhi to undertake a vow of fast unto death. Soon twelve members resigned from the working Committee and resigned after Bose, unfortunately, fell ill and sent a telegram requesting the postponement of the meeting. Nehru did not resign immediately but he gave the impression of being with the old guard. Maulana Azad took the chair and Bose read out the presidential address which was the shortest on record.¹²⁴ In his address, Bose concentrated only on the vital burning problems: “The time has come for us to raise the issue of Swaraj and submit our national demand to the British Government in the form of an ultimatum …….. and give a certain time limit…… and if no reply is received, we should resort to such sanctions as we possess in order to enforce our National Demand. ¹²⁵ Bose’s proposal was opposed by the Gandhi wing and Nehru. The All India Congress Committee adopted the report of the General Secretary against the wishes of the President, thrown out. Many delegates who had voted for Bose in the Presidential election started having second thoughts and changed their views because of Gandhi’s opposition and his threat that he might retire from politics. ¹²⁶ “That was the first tussle. It showed which way the wind blew. ¹²⁷ It was clear that it was an open conflict between Bose and Gandhi. So, it was a question of choosing between the two and the delegates certainly preferred Gandhi: “Congress and nation wanted Gandhi more than it did any other personality or programme, to guide it. The reasons for this lie buried in the social relationship that Gandhi had formed with the people of India….. Gandhi represented a degree of order, restraint, predictable leadership and Congress and the people eschewed any path which might lead to anarchy. Bose’s vehemence and impatience frightened people, although it also thrilled them. Gandhi’s personality and views were diametrically opposed to Bose’s and when the issue came to deciding between the two, Gandhi emerged supreme. ¹²⁸

PANT RESOLUTION

After the first setback on the second day of the session, G.B. Pant had given a final notice to the President to move a resolution at its meeting: ‘In view of the various misunderstandings which have arisen in the Congress and the Country on account of the controversies in connection with the Presidential election and after, it is desirable that the Congress should clarify the position and declare its general policy.’ This Congress declares its firm adherence to the fundamental policies which have governed its programme in the past 20 years under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi and is definitely of opinion that there should be no break in these policies and they should continue to govern the Congress programme in future. The Congress expressed its confidence in the work of the Working Committee which functioned during the last year and regrets that any aspersions should have been cast against any of its members. In view of the critical situation that may develop during the coming year, and in view of the fact that Mahatma Gandhi alone can lead the Congress and the country to victory in such crises, the Congress regards it as imperative that the Congress executive should command its explicit confidence and request the President to nominate the Working Committee in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.¹²⁹

“In view of the critical situation that may develop during the coming year, and in view of the fact that Mahatma Gandhi alone can lead the Congress and the Country to victory during such crisis, the Congress, regards it as imperative that the Congress executive should command its explicit confidence, and requests the President to nominate the Working Committee in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.”

The passing of the resolution with an overwhelming majority was indirectly an expression of the lack of confidence in the President. Bose’s plan to win the Congress on his side to launch an immediate movement was smashed. He left Tripuri with a bitter experience and utter disappointment.

The Pant resolution, therefore, was being considered afresh in search for any meaning that it did not contain so as to stretch it to support any possible action by President Bose to nominate a committee of his own. The report that Gandhiji had asked Mr.Bose to put his interpretation on the Pant resolution and get approval of the AICC for it is construed as a call for fresh trial of strength. Though no one seemed to be certain how things were shaping or might ultimately shape, of one thing most people seemed to be certain and it being that Calcutta might spring some surprises. The resolution which, as accepted in the Subject Committee the previous day, created a storm in the plenary session when Mr.Aney moved its reference to the AICC at a future convenient date in view of Subhas’ health.

The resolution was being interpreted in different ways. Mr.Srinivasa Iyengar said that if the resolution were to meet with the approval of the Congress at its open session, the only natural course for Subhas Bose would be to resign from the presidentship because there would be absolutely no initiative left in his hands in view of the last part of the resolution which requests the President to nominate the members of the Working Committee according to the advice of Mahatma Gandhi.

Mr.Rajagopalachari said the meaning of the resolution would be nothing more or less than what was conveyed in the letter of resignation submitted by the majority of the Working Committee ; namely, that there can be only one policy for the Congress and that it would not be possible for the Congress to advance even by an inch with incompatible groups within it.

Mr.Bulabhai Desai was, however, very reticent when questioned if the resolution amounted to a direct vote of censure on Mr.Bose. He said, “I leave it to your imagination”. Mr.Subhas Bose himself, it is understood, did not interpret it as vote of no-confidence against him. Prominent leftists, it may be remembered, characterized the resolution as a vote of censure on the President and an attempt to reduce him to the position of “a town crier”. There was a certain section among the Leftists which, it was understood, had been urging Mr.Bose to tender his resignation.

The press confidently asserted that Subhas Bose had not at all contemplated resignation and which, according to the close circle in touch with the President, did not arise at the movement. It was being pointed out that interpretation of the resolution adopted at the subject committee was made clear in unmistakable language by Pandit, presumably in consultation with the Congress leaders who had resigned after telephonic talk with Gandhiji.

The resolution was not a vote of censure either indirect or by inference or suggestion but was intended to create an atmosphere which should enable the old members of the Working Committee to rejoin Mr.Bose’s cabinet and ensure Mahatma Gandhi’s co-operation and advice. In the face of the unequivocal declaration by Pandit Pant, the Congress circle there felt that it was mischievous to suggest that the resolution had only one meaning that Mr.Subhas should tender his resignation as seams to have been done in certain messages emnating from Tripuri.

In fact, it appeared that Subhas Bose had been sounded by responsible Congress leaders that it would not be fair to put that interpretation on the Motion. It was believed that Mr.Bose would not take any precipitate action even if the resolution was endorsed by the majority of delegates at that evening’s session.

The CWC became the high command after it was made strong by Patel so that the Provincial Committees couldn’t be unduly strong and dominating and the Presidents of the Congress could not become high handed, over-bearing and over-powering. This is what hindered Subhas Bose’s path as the President. He had to take the consent of the high command before venturing into varied avenues. He could not possibly impose his will on the saner elements in the high command which lent the proceedings a democratic colour.

Bose made repeated attempts to come to an understanding with Gandhi. The Pant resolution had tied the hands of the President. Bose had himself declared that he would implement the Pant Resolution. Bose sought clarification and guidance from Gandhi on a number of issues in his letter of March, 1939.¹³⁰ This was a very detailed and unambiguous letter in which Bose wanted to know whether Gandhi would like him to act independently or only as dummy President. In his letter of March 24, which was posted earlier to Bose’s letter Gandhi advised Bose to resign, if he was not keeping good wealth ¹³¹. Bose replied: “I have not the slightest desire to stick to office. But I do not see reason for resigning because I am ill. No president resigned when he was is prison, for instance. I may tell you that great pressure is being brought to bear on me to resign. I am resisting, because my resignation will mean a new phase in Congress politics which I want to avoid till the last." ¹³² In spite of the ultra vires clause in the Pant resolution, Bose wanted that it should be given effect to be moved and discussed. ¹³³ But Gandhi was in no mood for a compromise: “since we met in February my opinion has become strengthened that where there are differences on fundamentals, as we agreed there were, a composite committee would be harmful. Assuming therefore, that your policy has the backing of the majority of All India Congress Committee, you should have a working committee, composed purely of those who believe in your policy ¹³⁴It may be mentioned that Gandhi did not empower Bose to appoint a homogenous Leftist cabinet. ¹³⁵ Bose had wanted a strong determined and uncompromising war against the British. ¹³⁶ the charge that he wanted to stick to his own position and to have his own way is not true. He was prepared to step down from office, if Gandhi was prepared to take the leadership in the struggle against the British. “it you takes up struggle, I shall most gladly help you to the best of my ability…….. All that I want is that you and the Congress should, in this critical hour, stand up and resume the struggle for swaraj. If self effacement will further the national cause, I assure you, most solemnly, that I am prepared to efface myself completely. I think I love my country sufficiently to be able to do this." ¹³⁷

The Calcutta Congress

Bose wanted to make the last and final effort to remove the stalemate in the Congress affairs, before deciding to resign from the office. In consultation with Gandhi, ¹³⁸ he therefore, decided to summon the meeting of the all India Congress Committee of Calcutta to settle the whole affair. Tagore tried to intervene in the political turmoil of the time in a bid to save the Congress from the impending split. In a desperate attempt to bring a rapprochement in the Congress circle, he wrote letters to Nehru and Gandhi. After the Tripuri Congress, he wrote to Gandhi on March 29,1939: “Dear Mahatma ji….. At the last Congress session some rude hands have deeply hurt Bengal with an ungracious persistence, please apply without delay balm to the wound with your own kind hands and prevent it from festering. ¹³⁹ Gandhi remained impervious even to the request of Tagore. His reply was non-committal: “Dear Gurudev……... I have your letter full of tenderness The problem you set before me is difficult. I have made certain suggestions to Subhas. I see no other way out of the impasse". ¹⁴⁰ Before the Calcutta Congress met, Nehru could sense the impending crisis and he too tried to bring a rapprochement between Bose and Gandhi ¹⁴¹ “I think now, as I thought in Delhi, that you should accept Subhas as President. To try to push him out seems to me to be an exceedingly wrong step. As for the working committee it is for you to decide….. After all, we must remember that by having a homogenous executive, we do not create a homogenous Congress. The latter is easier of achievement if we have a larger homogeneity in view". ¹⁴² Gandhi was not very much influenced by Nehru’s arguments but was persuaded by the latter to visit Calcutta at the time of the All India Congress Committee meeting. As soon as Gandhi arrived in Calcutta, Bose called on him and both the leaders had detailed discussions. Gandhi stuck to his old stand that he had repeated in his letters.¹⁴³ He advised Bose to discuss the matters with the ex-members of the working committee to see if there could be a mutual settlement. Gandhi’s advice was incorporated in a letter and handed over to Bose who discussed the matter with his old colleagues but they failed to come to any agreement.¹⁴⁴In the open session of the all India Congress Committee, Bose read out Gandhi’s letter and gave a detailed account of his efforts to come to a settlement. Since no settlement could be possible and Gandhi was not prepared to oblige him in any of his requests, he made a statement tendering his resignation.¹⁴⁵

Jayaprakash Narayan rightly said that no other organization except the Congress was capable of waging the independence struggle. Since Congress was firmly in the hands of Gandhi, the means of struggle was “the old Gandhian techinique, whether anyone likes it or not. ¹⁴⁶

It was Gandhi in the end, who defeated Bose. Rabindranath Tagore, who had always advised Bose not to resign and demand the final reply from Gandhi, was very happy over his dignified role and sent him this message on his resignation: “The dignity and forbearance which you have shown in the midst of the most aggravating situation has won my admiration and confidence in your leadership” ¹⁴⁷ Referring to Gandhi’s role, Hiren Mukherjee writes: It was one of the extremely few occasions when the great man, so cool and collected in his dignity, seemed small and peevish.¹⁴⁸ Michael Edwardes, who had no reason to be partial or biased observes: “Gandhi now turned the technique of non-cooperation, not against the British, but against Congress’ own President. Bose was forced to resign…. Gandhi whom so many both in India and abroad believed to be compounded only of sweetness and light, had by the use of his overwhelming prestige and the sort of intrigue one would expect from Tammany Hall, succeeded in disposing of the only real opposition to his leadership.¹⁴⁹Michael Brecher agreed with this view. “of all participants only Gandhi had a clear and consistent object – to oust Bose” ¹⁵⁰

Subhas Expelled From the Congress

Bose’s idea of a new party was a strong, centralized and well-disciplined All India Party, working amongst every section of the community. This Party was to have its representatives working in the Indian National Congress, in the All India Trade Union Congress, in the peasants’ organizations, in the women’s organizations and all other organizations of importance to serve the cause of the nation. The party of the future was to be a party of determined men and women prepared to sacrifice their life for the cause of the nation. The members of the party must have a clear notion of the work they would have to do before the conquest of power and thereafter, and who would have the necessary intellectual and Leftist training to make them fit for the required job.¹⁵¹ It will be the task of this party to deliver India from foreign yoke. Last but not the least, it will be the task of this party to lead India on to her honoured place among the free nations to the world.¹⁵² Bose’s conception of the new party for India was a pragmatic one, based on national considerations. Bose was not very optimistic about the role of the Congress Socialist Party, even though he welcomed it as a natural reaction against the Rightist policy of the Congress: “while the instinct that has urged the formation of the Congress Socialist Party is correct, I am afraid that there is some lack of clarity in the ideas of the party. To some people, again, Socialism is synonymous with Communism. Why then use a terminology which is used by different people in different senses.¹⁵³

Alternative leadership

Great similarities can be found in the political thinking of Bose and M.N Roy and Jawaharlal Nehru who had met at the Karachi Congress and were drawn towards one another and, as a result of their efforts, the Congress adopted economic and social objectives. Since then the socio- economic programmes of the Congress assumed great importance. M.N.Roy was convinced about the importance of youth, workers and tillers of the soil and with a view to organizing the Labour force of the country, he formed the Indian Federation of Labour and was one of the pioneers of the Trade Union Movement in India.¹⁵⁴ Like Bose, he challenged the leadership of Gandhi, and suggested that the Congress constitution should be changed in order to make it a dynamic organization. He criticized Gandhi as a reactionary and was firm in his view that “a religious, and cultural revivalist was bound to be a reactionary socially, however revolutionary he might appear politically.¹⁵⁵ Bose analysed the Gandhi Movement from the dialectical point of view and explained that leftism was the anti-thesis of Gandhism. There was nothing to be afraid of the conflict between the thesis and the anti-thesis as it would be resolved in a ‘synthesis’, which, in turn, would become the thesis of the next stage of evolution. It may be pertinent to point out that even Jawaharlal Nehru, whom Gandhi declared as his virtual heir, developed acute differences with him.

Subhas Bose was expelled from the Congress by the Working Committee with the help of Gandhi on the plea that by advocating use of force against the British for liberation of India, he went against non-violence. Gandhi never dealt with any firmness with the recalcitrant the way he dealt with Subhas for allegedly going against his non-violence. When the Gandhi wing was strongly organized, the Leftist, inspite of the general popularity of Leftism, remained mostly scattered and unorganized Thus they were at a disadvantage because They were not organised under one leadership, as the Gandhi wing was. The whole problem before Bose was that the Right wing would not allow him to have his own way. Gandhi’s position was organizationally very strong as he had built up his own party within the Congress and, with its help, he was able to dominate the Congress organizations.¹⁵⁸ The official wing of the Congress was led by Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad and others. This block was united under one centralized leadership

The Forward Block

The formation of the Forward Block at a critical juncture was forced by unavoidable circumstances and by the uncompromising attitudes of the High Command159 But in the beginning, Bose had never thought about organizing it as a separate political party, distinct from the Congress. The immediate task was to organize the radical anti-imperialist and progressive elements within the Congress “to fight the increasing drift towards constitutionalism, reconvert the Congress into a revolutionary organization and bring it back to the path of national struggle and prepare the country for the coming war erisis.¹⁶⁰ It was hoped that with the progress of time, the Forward Block would draw into its fold all the radical and socialist group in the Congress¹⁶¹ The forward Block will function as an integral part of the Congress. It will cherish the highest respect and regard for Mahatma Gandhi’s personality and have complete faith in his political doctrine and non-violent non-cooperation. But that will not mean that the Forward Block will, necessarily, have confidence in the present High Command of the Cogress.¹⁶² In organizing the forward Block, Bose had two expectations. Firstly, in the event of a conflict with the Gandhi Wing in the future, he could fight more effectively and further he could hope to convert the whole Congress, one day, to his own point of view. In the event of any future crisis, he could act on his own, even if the Gandhi Wing did not support such a move.¹⁶³As soon as the Forward Block was launched, it created an internal crisis within the Congress and Bose was criticized for promoting the crisis at a critical juncture. Bose’s reply was “Personally, I am of the opinion that an internal crisis, today or tomorrow, is inevitable in view of the uncompromising attitude of the present High Command and their failure to move with times…. It would be much more desirable to face the internal crisis now, go through it and emerge out of it before the external crisis seizes us.¹⁶⁴ He argued that if the Gandhi Seva Sangh did not create a split and destroy the Congress, there was no reason for the critics to apprehend that the creation of the forward Block would create a split and destroy the Congress. “Left consolidation will, in my view be a stepping stone towards real national unity, which is unity of action and not unity of inaction. Without Left consolidation, I do not see how we can arrive at real national unity.” ¹⁶⁵

In April 1939, Bose had an interesting discussion with Jawaharlal Nehru in Calcutta, when he announced his desire to resign the presidentship of the Congress and organize a new party within the Congress that would, one day, move the Gandhi Wing and the entire Congress to militant action.166 Bose was of the view that India would repeat its mistake of 1914 if there was no well organized party ready to utilize the coming international crisis for winning freedom.167 Nehru, however, was not convinced by Bose’s arguments and pointed out that such a move would create a split in the Congress and would weaken it at a critical moment.

The Forward Block had its own ideology and programme from the time of its inauguration in May, 1939 and was an integral part of Congress, but after Bose’s expulsion from the Congress, it was declared to be a separate party at the second All India Congress held at Nagpur in June 1940.¹⁶⁸ The left Consolidation Committee which had come into existence in June, 1939, became totally disintegrated because of the desertion of the other leftist parties. The Royalists or Radical Leaguers,¹⁶⁹ the Congress Socialists and the Communists or the National Frontiers all deserted the Left Consolidation Committee. The Kisan Sabha of Swami Sahajanand and the Forward Block were the two parties which functioned as the spearhead of the Left Movement in the country.¹⁷⁰ The concept of Left consolidation received a rude shock when at the time of the All India Anti Compromise Conference which was held at Ramgarh in March, 1940 it was found that the Royalists, Congress Socialists and National Frontiers boycotted the Conference and threw in their lot with the Gandhities.¹⁷¹ Answering the question as to why the Royists and other Leftists deserted the Left Consolidation Committee, Bose says, “So far as I can judge they are afraid of being expelled from the Congress and they feel, perhaps ,that once outside of the Congress they will be completely lost.¹⁷² Bose also knew that without the anti-imperialist front in the form of Left Consolidation Committee, it would not be possible to establish Leftist ascendency in the Congress and to resist the onslaught from the Rightists.¹⁷³ The Forward Block, however, developed greatly since its birth, along with changes in the political scene.¹⁷⁴ But its original intention to bring other Leftist Parties together on one platform failed. The reason for this is not far to seak.¹⁷⁵

Bengal gave enthusiastic support to the Forward Bloc and its programme of action.¹⁷⁶ There was sympathy for the movement all over the country and this led Gandhi and this followers to realize that the policy of cooperation with the British would not be supported by the people in general and “would surely lead to the loss of their influence and popularity. Consequently, they began to alter their attitude gradually.¹⁷⁷ Bose wanted to mobilize all the available revolutionary energy of the nation by raising and equipping a Congress Volunteer corps on an all India basis, which would have ultimate and closer ties with other anti-imperialist organizations like Kisan Sabha and Trade Union Congress¹⁷⁸, Youth Leagues and student movements. He suggested that a sub-committee of the Congress formulate a comprehensive programme for helping and guiding the people’s movement in the six hundred odd states.¹⁷⁹ Bose was convinced that any revolutionary movement in India, for its success, needed real unity among the people.¹⁸⁰ Through the Radical programme of the Forward Block, Bose expected to establish real unity.¹⁸¹

When Bose decided to challenge the Gandhians at the end of 1938, he found that his socialist colleague, his ‘political elder brother was not with him. Nehru did not view the Congress in quite the same Left vs. Right terms as Bose and thought Gandhi was the vital heart of the movement. Even Sarat Bose is reported to have said privately that Subhas should not have made suggestions which he could not prove.¹⁸² Nehru said that Bose had not changed and some of Bose’s actions made him realize ‘how difficult it was to work together with you.¹⁸³ Nehru wanted a compromise between Bose and Gandhians. As he wrote to Gandhi in April 1939; Subhas has numerous failings but he is susceptible to a friendly approach.... To try to push him out seems to me to be an exceedingly wrong step.... But I do think the idea of homogeneity, if narrowly interpreted, will not lead to peace or effective working.¹⁸⁴ From Nehru’s perspective, to prevent a split in the Congress, it was necessary to have Gandhi and the Gandhians in the leadership, and desirable to have Bose and other socialists. In a letter to Nehru on March 23,1939, Bose said to him... for some time past you have become completely biased against me.... since the Presidential election, you have done more to lower me in the estimation of the public than all the twelve ex-members of the Working Committee put together. Of course if I am such a villain, it is not only your right but also your duty to expose me before the public.¹⁸⁵ Bose faced Gandhi’s unwillingness to compromise along with lack of allies. Bose said he was for a dynamic move from our side – for an ultimatum to the British Government demanding Purna Swaraj and could not understand why Nehru was not with him.¹⁸⁶ Bose agreed that their appraoches to the international context were different. He wrote.... I have been urging....everybody....including Mahatma Gandhi and you, that we must utilize the international situation to India’s advantage and....present the British government with our National Demand in the form of an ultimatum, but I could make no impression on you or Mahatmaji, though a large section of the Indian Public approved of my stand.¹⁸⁷ Rabindranath Tagore considered Subhas as the honoured leader of the people of Bengal. He spoke eloquently for a besieged Subhas and to him in our essay entitled Deshnayak (The leader of the country) he said in part: The Gita tells us that from time to time the eternal principle of good arises to challenge the reign of the evil... After a lapse of many years I am addressing..... one who has come into the full light of recognition.... I can only bless him.... knowing that he had made his country’s burden of sorrow his own, that his final reward is fast coming as his country’s freedom.¹⁸⁸ In December 1939, Tagore asked Gandhi to have the ban on Subhas lifted and his cooperation cordially invited in supreme interest of national unity. ¹⁸⁹ ‘Writing in Harijan in early 1940, Gandhi said, “The love of my concpetion, if it is as soft as a rose petal, can also be harder than flint.... I had thought I had gained Subhas Babu for all time as a son. I have fallen from grace. I had the pain of wholly associating myself with the ban pronounced by him".¹⁹⁰

Bose stressed that to fight a war on a bigger and more intensive scale, there should be intellectual and practical preparation based on scientific and objective considerations. To fight this war against British imperialism, Bose emphasized the need for a party of determined men and women who will take upon themselves the task of delivering India no matter what the suffering and sacrifice may be: “whether India will be able to free herself... Her ability to produce the requisite leadership will be the test of her vitality and of her fitness for ‘Swaraj’.¹⁹¹ There should be a programme of action for the new party. The new party was not only to fight India’s battle for freedom, but it was the party, which Bose wanted, should take responsibility of post war reconstruction. It was to take up the tasks of guiding, controlling and developing the new state, and through the state, the entire Indian people.¹⁹² Nothing was to be left to chance. Everything should be neatly planned. But opposed to the view of Bose, Gandhi advocated in 1948, just before his death, that the Congress should not be allowed to continue as a political party.... but a non-political institution which should devote itself to social service and constructive work. Gandhi argued that the Congress “must be kept out of unhealthy competition” for power. He was of the view that the Congress was a movement and the movement did not cease after the independence of the country as most of the social problems had been left unsettled. As for those who aspired to have political office and pursue parliamentary or Governmental careers, he advised them to leave the Congress and form their non political parties. The proposal, sdhowever, was duly ignored as it disregarded the political dimension of the Congress as a Government party, after independence, when it was necessary to combine the functions of continuing the movement and a political party. ¹⁹³ QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT - A tussle between Congressites

Congress remained engrossed in the civil-disobedience campaign intermittently till 1934 and, consequently, happened to, unwittingly ignore international problems. Jawaharlal Nehru became the Congress President in Lucknow in 1936 and, thereafter, it was mainly he who formulated the Congress policies and evinced interest in international issues. It was largely because of him that the Congress developed a strong dislike for fascist powers and veered round to supporting the causes of democracy and freedom against the forces of Fascism, Nazism and Imperialism. As war seemed imminent in the wake of Nazi occupation of Czechosolovakia, the Congress Working Committee made it abundantly clear in August, 1939, that it would not welcome the imposition of war on India and it did not approve of the policy of sending Indian troops to the Middle East or the Far East. It gave a call for the boycott of the next Assembly session by its legislators. This set the cat among the pigeons and after the declaration of war by the British on 3rd September, 1939, the Viceroy declared war on India’s behalf against the Axis powers. Close on its heels came the promulgation of the Defence of India Ordinance which gave teeth of emergency powers of all kind to the Government. The Committee felt that conflict could not be resolved without liquidating imperialism. India was the crux of the problem. The committee, therefore, invited the British Government to declare in unequivocal terms what their aims regarding democracy, imperialism and the envisaged new order were. The meaning of the statement was abundantly clear that in order to obtain India’s support, Britain should immediately grant her freedom. The All India Congress Committee, on 9 and 10 October, 1939 endorsed the statement of the Working Committee.

In the aftermath of the failure of the Cripps Mission, it was C.Rajagopalachari alone who felt that it was Jinnah’s flat refusal to cooperate with the Congress in the formation of a National Government which had resulted in the sudden breakdown of negotiations with Cripps. Rajaji first moved towards Jinnah for a settlement. On behalf of the Congress, he immediately recognized the Muslim League as a political organization, next in importance to the Congress. Jinnah promised not to, thereafter, dub the Congress as a Hindu body. The talks could not proceed further owing to Jinnah’s demand to have fifty percent share in political power at the centre. At the meeting of the Madras Legislative Congress party on 23rd April, 1942, convened by Rajagopalachari himself, the purport of Rajaji’s speech was that the Congress should recognize the demand for Pakistan and appealed to them to get rid of their pre-conceived notions and to face facts. He felt that the Muslim demand for separate existence could only be prevented through a civil war. Rajaji got not bouquets but brickbats from the Congress High Command. According to Nehru it was a “dangerous solution”. He was definitely opposed to the vivisection of India. Azad also disfavoured the move and according to J.B.Kriplani, it was tentamount to repudiating the Congress aims and its historical past, its struggles and sufferings. Only Mian Iftikharuddin, the President of the Punjab Provincial Congress Committee praised Rajagopalachari for his bold initiative and termed it as a “unity of India” move. B.S.Moonje, the Hindu Mahasabha leader found the move “most humiliating”. But Gandhi appreciated Rajaji and said “It reflects the greatest credit on him. He is entitled to a respectful hearing. His motive is lofty.” Soon, Rajagopalachari’s membership of the Madras Legislative Assembly was questioned by Vallabhbhai Patel, the president of Congress Parliamentary Board. Thereupon, Rajgopalachari, B.Sambamurthy, the ex-speaker, Dr.Rajan and Ramanathan, two ex-ministers and eight others resigned their membership of the Assembly.

Gandhiji strongly felt now that the British should leave India in an orderly manner. Once the idea took roots, it gripped him completely. Now he started devoting almost all his working time to the elucidation and justification of his formula which soon became famous as the Quit India demand. He argued that by liberating India, Great Britain would strengthen the moral stand of the Allied powers that they were fighting for freedom and democracy. He believed that peaceful withdrawal by Britain from her biggest colony on the strength of bare inherent justice of the cause would serve as an eye-opener to the warring nations, particularly to the Axis powers who harboured a deep grudge against the imperialist powers for possessing colonial dominions. Soon they might, he believed, realize the futility of war. A completely different Gandhi now emerged on the political scene. Previously sympathetic to the Allied cause, he had transformed into a determined antagonist of the British. Could an unarmed India protect herself against the Japanese might. Was there any ground to believe that in the wake of British withdrawal, the Japanese would not travel into India? How long would the Allied army be able to defend India? One of the British Generals had publically stated that they could not defend the whole of India. But Gandhi was convinced that powerful non-violent action could change the whole situation. The Japanese, if they encroached into India, would run into a non-violent non-cooperative nation. In such an event, they would have to either retreat or to exterminate the whole nation. The Japanese could hardly face the latter course.

Acting on this hypothesis, Gandhi prepared a draft resolution for consideration by the Congress High Command. Gandhi had been vigorously and regularly been contributing articles on Quit India Movement in the Harijan which had, naturally, conditioned the minds of a large section of the Congress members. This pro-active stance of Gandhi surprised many of his followers. Gandhi seemed totally motivated and possessed and was in a very non-conciliatory frame of mind, unlike his earlier approach to men and matters. His unprecedented stand flabbergasted Nehru who felt Gandhi could not have compromised his hatred for Fascism and Nazism because of his distaste for the British rule. He could not comprehend how a demand for immediate British withdrawal in the midst of life and death struggle could bring India’s independence. How could he have forestalled inevitable Japanese invasion ? How, after asking the British to quit, could the Congress claim that it was following a policy of non-embarrassment? And, Nehru was not done yet. Several others entertained similar misgiving and doubts about the efficacy of the Gandhian scheme.

Knowing well Nehru’s and Azad’s mental reservations about his scheme and knowing that his personal presence would hinder a free discussion, Gandhi sent his draft resolution through Meera Ben for consideration at the CWC meeting on 27 April, 1942. On the basis of this draft, Rajendra Prasad prepared the following resolution:

Whereas the British War Cabinet’s proposals sponsored by Sir Stafford Cripps have shown up British imperialism in its nakedness as never before, the AICC has come to the following conclusions:

The AICC is of the opinion that Britain is incapable of defending India. It is natural that whatever she does is for her own defence. There is an internal conflict between Indian and British interests. It follows that their notions of defence would also differ……… The Indian army has been maintained uptill now mainly to hold India in subjugation. ……..This policy of mistrust still continues and it is the reason why national defence is not entrusted to India’s elected representatives.

Japan’s quarrel is not with India. She is warring against the British Empire. India’s participation in the war has not been with the consent of the representatives of the Indian people. It was purely a British act. If India were freed, her first step would probably be to negotiate with Japan. The Congress is of the opinion that if the British withdrew from India, India would be able to defend herself in the event of Japanese or any other aggressor attacking India. The AICC is, therefore, of the opinion that the British should withdraw from India. The plea that they should remain in India to protect the Indian princes is wholly untenable. It is additional proof of their determination to maintain their hold over India.

For all the reasons, the committee appeals to Britain, for the sake of her own safety, for the sake of India’s safety and for the cause of world peace to let go of her hold on India even if she does not give up all Asiatic and African possessions.

A number of Congress leaders including Nehru, Azad, Asaf Ali, Bulabhai Desai and Rajgopalachari were opposed to this resolution. On the other hand, persons like Patel, Prasad and J.B.Kriplani were in favour of it. After prolonged discussion on the resolution, Nehru submitted a separate draft. Though Rajendra Prasad’s resolution was carried and Nehru’s lost. At the President’s(Azad”s) intervention the committee unanimously accepted Nehru’s draft. This resolution was later endorsed by AICC at Allahabad (29 April to 2 May, 1942).

So, there is no denying that there had been a prolonged tussle between the Congressites during the unfolding of the Mahatma’s ‘Brahmaastra’- the Quit India Movement. This movement brought to the fore Gandhiji’s hitherto unseen facet of personality when he chose not to leave any room for reconciliation with the British. This was a revelation to his avid and dedicated followers as well as his detractors. Hence, there was a perceptible taking of sides and positions among the Congressmen. If ideological differences ruled the roost, personal loyalty to political idols of different hues played havoc with the conhesion and fairplay of the party. Ever since its inception in 1923, the Swaraj Party created dissentions and desertations. Events leading to Bose’s return, his expulsion and the formation of Forward Block also see an upheaval in the party cadre, ranks and, of course, leaders. The Pant resolution made congressites look for cover and a chance to run down the adversary. And, above all, the Quit India Movement almost caused a vertical split in the party. Thus, the Congress had to tread a very tricky and slippery path on the highway of the freedom movement. May be the pole positions taken by the leaders over issues of common interest and the overt and covert clashes of ideology alongwith an eye for political positioning, name and recognition besides the desire to ascend to the peak of political power, worked in tandem to give the British the confidence to apply the policy of devide and rule to complete fruition which has, sadly trickled down to the modern times, may be.

Bose’s statement regarding the post war preparedness of the leaders for undertaking the gigantic responsibility of re-construction has proved to be prophetic: “.... It should, therefore, be clear that the generals of the war-time period in India will have to carry through the whole programme of post-war reform in order to justify to their countrymen the hopes and aspirations that they will rouse during the fight. The tasks of these leaders will not be over till a new generation of men and women is educated and trained after the establishment of the new state and this new generation is able to take complete charge of their country’s affairs.¹⁹⁴

- Dr. Bhanu Kapil, Udaipur

REFERENCES:

1. Report of the Forty-second Indian National Congress, Madras, 28-31, December, 1927 (Madras, n.d.), pp.4-11.

2. Report of the Forth-third Indian National Congress, 1928 (Calcutta, The Reception Committee, n.d.), p.95.

3. Report of the Forth ninth Session of the Indian National Congress, Lucknow, 1936 (Allahabad, The All India Congress Committee, 1936), pp.44-47.

4. Bimla Prasad, The Origins of Indian Foreigner Policy (Calcutta, 1960), pp.138-43.

5. The Indain National Congress, 1939-10 (Allahabad, A.I.C.C. n.d), pp.10-1.

6. Ibid.

7. An Indian Pilgrim, p.93.

8. Netaji – The Man, p.158.

9. He was the Commander-in-Chief of Siraj-ud-Daula and perpetuated treachery against his master in the Battle of Plassey in 1757 with the hope of getting the thrown with the help of Clive.

10. Netaji - The Man, pp. 158-59.

11. Ibid., pp.161-62.

12. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-34, p.88.

13. Cf. Satyagraha was a contribution of two words – ‘Sat’ and ‘Agraha’ Gandhi explained the meaning of ‘Sat’ as truth and that of ‘Agraha’ as firmness. Jointly the two terms meant firm assertion of truth. Satyagraha implied non-submission to wrong and injustice and in the process willingly accepting plain and suffering. The efficacy of the weapon had already been tried in Champaran, Khaira and Ahmedabad.

14. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.54-55.

15. Ayer, Introduction, Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.12.

16. Ibid.

17. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, p.41.

18. Bose The Indain Struggle 1920-42, p.55

19. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, pp.42.

20. Ibid.

21. Sec R. Palme Dutt, India Today, pp.344-46.

22. Huge Toye, The Springing Tiger, p.29.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid.

26. Young India, December 15,1921.

27. Pilgrimage to Freedom (Bombay, 1967), p.23.

28. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.67

29. Azad, Indian Wins Freedom, p.15.

30. Bose, op. cit., p.68

31. Ibid., pp.69-70.

32. Ibid., p.70.

33. Mahatma Gandhi (London, 1942), p.132.

34. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.72.

35. Autobiography, p.81.

36. Gandhi – A Study in Revolution (London, 1968), p.300.

37. Autobiography, p.86, Indian National Movement, p.104.

38. Indian National Movement, p.104.

39. R.Palme Dutt, India Today, p.353.

40. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.78.

41. Ibid., 79.

42. – Jog, in Freedom’s Quest, pp.46-47.

43. – The Springing Tiger, p.30.

44. Between the Symbol and the Idol at Last (New Delhi, 1964), p.49.

45. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.83 46. Ibid.

47. Jog, The Freedom’s Quest, p.47.

48. Marcus F. Franda, Radical Politics in West Bengal (Cambridge, 1971), p.26.

49. B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi – A Biography, p.142.

50. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.87.

51. B.R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi – A Biography, p.143.

52. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.102.

53. Leonard A. Gordon, Bengal – The Nationalist Movement, (New Delhi, 1974), p.224.

54. Hugh Toye, The Springing Tiger, pp.30-31.

55. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.95.

56. Ibid., footnote.

57. See Azad, India Wins Freedom, p.18.

58. Hugh Toye, The Springing Tiger, p.31.

59. The Indian Struggle, 190-42, pp.95-96.

60. Gupta, They Lived Dangerously, p.318.

61. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.174.

62. Toye, The Springing Tiger, pp.31-32.

63. Ibid., p.32.

64. Ibid.

65. R.C. Majumdar, History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. III, pp.255-61.

66. Ibid., p.321.

67. Bose, Correspondence 1924-32, pp.299, 390, 394, 402.

68. Hemendranath Das Gupta, Subhas Chandra (Calcutta, 1946), PP.94-95.

69. Subhas Chandra Bose, Correspondence 1924-32 (Calcutta, 1967), p.299.

70. Leonard A .Gordon, Bengal: The Nationalist Movement, 1876-1940, p.240.

71. Ibid.

72. Ibid., p.48

73. See Appendix II

74. Nehru on Gandhi, p.78

75. Kriplani, Gandhi: His Life and Thought

76. Munshi, Pilgrimage to Freedom.

77. Sitaramayya, op. cit., vols. I and II.

78. G.I. Patel, Vithalbhai Patel, Book Two, p.12-19.

79. Alexander Weath, Planning for Revolution, in A Beacons Across Asia (Orient Longman, 1973), p.119.

80. India’s Independence and the Axis Powers: Subhas Chandra Bose in Europe during the Strategic Initiative of the Axis Powers.

81. Impressions in Life (Lahore, 1947), p.143.

82. India’s Freedom Movement – Some Notable Figures (1972), p.151

83. Subhas Bose, Impression in Life (Lahore, 1947), p.13.

84. Ibid.

85. Toye, The Springing Tigar, p.52.

86. Ibid., p.53.

87. Ibid.

88. J.S. Bright (Eds), Important Speeches and Wirings of Subhas Bose, p.129.

89. Selected Speeches of Sabhas Chandra Bose, p.94.

90. Ibid., p.73

91. R.P. Dutt, India Today, p.381.

92. Ibid.

93. Kriplani, Gandhi: His Life and Thought, p.117.

94. Ibid., p.74.

95. Nripendra Nath Mitra, The Indian Annual Register, 1939, vol. I, p.44.

96. A.K.Majumdar, Advent of Freedom p.155.

97. See Sitaramayya, op. cit., Vol. II, p.105

98. See D.V. Tahmankar, Sardar Patel, p.156.

99. __Gandhi: His Life and Thought, pp.179-88.

100. Ibid., p.177.

101. R.C. Majumdar, History of the Freedom Movement in India, Vol. III, p.580.

102. Raj Mohan Gandhi, Patel-A Life, 1991., Navjivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, p.277.

103. Ibid.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid , pp.277-78.

106. Nripendra Nath Mitra, op.cit., Vol.II, July-Dec.1945, pp.58-59.

107. Bose, Cross Roads,p.87.

108. Ibid.,p.91 see D.V.Tahmankar, Sardar Patel, pp.156-57.

109. Jawaharlal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters(Bombay, 1960), p.308.

110. Rabindra Nath and Subhas Chandra, The Sunday Amrita Bazar Patrika, May 6, 1973.

111. __Nripendra Nath Mitra, op. cit., Vol. II, July-Dec. 1945, p.54.

112. History of the Indian National Congress, Vol.III, p.105.

113. R.P. Dutt, India Today, p.533.

114. Bose, Cross Road, pp.105-106.

115. Ibid.

116. J.S. Bright (Ed.) Important Speeches and Writings of Subhas Bose, p.251.

117. Nripendra Nath Mitra, op. cit., vol. II, July 1945, pp.54-55.

118. Ibid.

119. Ibid.

120. Azad, India Wins Freedom, p.36.

121. J.S. Bright (Ed.) Important Speeches and Writings of Subhas Bose, p.255.

122. __Why did India Not Follow Subhas Chandra Bose in 1939?

123. A Beacon Across India (Ed.) Bose, Wealth and Ayer, p.90.

124. Ibid.

125. J.S. Bright, (Ed.) op. cit., pp.249-50.

126. Ibid.

127. Sitaramayya, op.cit., p.258 9.

128. For details of the Speech, see Appendix IV.

129. For details of the Speech, see Appendix IV.

130. Netaji Subhas in my Estimate, in Netaji Subhas: Valient Son of India, p.9.

131. Sitaramayya, op. cit., vol. II, p.110.

132. Heimsath, why did India not Follow Subhas Bose in 1939?

133. Sitaramayya, op. cit., vol. II, p. 110.

134. J.S. Bright (Ed.), op. cit., pp.275-77.

135. Ibid., p.177

136. Ibid., p.280

137. Ibid., p.279.

138. Ibid., p.281.

139. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, pp.110-111.

140. Nripendra Nath Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, vol.II, July – Dec. (Calcutta), pp.56-57.

141. J.S. Bright (Ed.) op. cit., pp.285-88.

142. Ibid., p.307-309.

143. Krishna Bose, “Rabindranath and Subhas Chandra”, The Sunday Amrita Bazar Patrika, May 6, 1973.

144. Jog, In Freedom’s Quest, p.157.

145. Nripendra Nath Mitra, ed., The Indian Annual Register, 1939, vol. I, pp.345-46; Also see Bose, Cross Roads, pp.379-80.

146. Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters, pp.379-80.

147. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.109

148. Ibid., p.110.

149. The Springing Tiger, pp.58-59.

150. Jayaprakash Narayan, Towards Struggle, p.140.

151. Shri Ram Sharma ed., Netaji: His Life and Work, pp.V-VII.

152. H.Mukherjee, The Gentle Colossus, p.78.

153. Edwardes, The Last Years of British India, p.67.

154. Brecher, Nehru, a Political Biography, p.245.

155. “The Meaning of Leftism”, published in What We Believe (Calcutta, 1948), pp.12-28.

156. Ibid., p.378.

157. The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.383-84.

158. M.N. Roy, Poverty of Plenty, pp.XX – XXIV

159. M.N. Roy, Memoirs, p.379.

160. –A.I.C.C at Wardha, January, 1942.

161. Leonard A Gordon, Bengal: The National Movement, 1876-1940, p.275.

162. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.330. 163. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.115.

164. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indain Revoltuion, p.54.

165. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p.113.

166. Ibid., p.114.

167. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.334.

168. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, pp.114-15.

169. Ibid., pp.335-36.

170. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.335.

171. Ibid., pp.335-36.

172. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution, p.59.

173. Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution, p.47.

174. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandrar Bose, p.119.

175. Ibid.

176. Ibid., p.121.

177. Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revoltuion, p.54

178. Ibid.

179. Ibid.

180. Sitaramayya, op. cit., Vol. II, pp.114-15.

181. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.340.

182. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose p.116.

183. Ibid., p.117

184. Ibid., p.123.

185. Sitaramayya, Vol. II, op. cit., p.115.

186. See Jawaharlal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1958. Letters of Nehru to Bose, Feb., 1939, 317-21, and Patel’s frank letter to Nehru, February 8, 1939, 322.

187. Nehru, Bunch, 350-63 Letters of April 3,1939.

188. Nehru, Works, Vol. 9, 553-54, Letters of April 17, 1939.

189. Bose Crossroads, 115-130. Letters of March, 28, 1939.

190. Bose Crossroads, 127

191. Bose Crossroads,117

192. Rabindranath Taghore, ‘Deshnayak’, Original in Kalantar (End of an Era), Calcutta: Visva Bharti, 1962, 371-76.

193. Tagore’s telegram to Gandhi in Gandhi, Works, vol. LXXI, 50, footnote, 2.

194. Gandhi, Works, Vol. LXXI, 94, from ‘The Charkha’, Harijan, January 13, 1940.

195. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, pp.358-59.

196. Ibid., p.370.

197. Rajni Kothari, Politics in India (1972), p.155.

198. Bose, The Indian Struggle, 1920-42, p.371.

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FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES IN INDIAN CONSTITUTION

08.03.2018

FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS

The Fundamental Rights embodied in the Indian constitution acts as a guarantee that all Indian citizens can and will lead their lives in peace as long as they live in Indian democracy. These civil liberties take precedence over any other law of the land. They include individual rights common to most liberal democracies, such as equality before the law, freedom of speech and expression, freedom of association and peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, and the right to constitutional remedies for the protection of civil rights such as habeas corpus.

In addition, the Fundamental Rights for Indians are aimed at overturning the inequities of past social practices. They have also been used to in successfully abolishing the "untouchability"; prohibit discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth; and forbid trafficking in human beings and also the forced labor. They go beyond conventional civil liberties in protecting cultural and educational rights of minorities by ensuring that minorities may preserve their distinctive languages and establish and administer their own education institutions.

Originally, the right to property was also included in the Fundamental Rights; however, the Forty-fourth Amendment, passed in 1978, revised the status of property rights by stating that "No person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law." Freedom of speech and expression, generally interpreted to include freedom of the press, can be limited " in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence" Here we have defined the six fundamental rights as per the constitution of India:-

(1.) THE RIGHT TO EQUALITY

The right to equality is one of the six rights that have been granted to us. In the Indian Constitution these rights have been described as: The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of (1.) religion, (2.) race, (3.) caste, (4.) sex, and (5.) place of birth or(6.) any of them.

No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the general public.

Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women and children.

Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.

(2.) Equal opportunity for all

There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the State. No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in respect of, any employment or office under the State.

Nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law prescribing, in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an office under the Government of, or any local or other authority within, a State or Union territory, any requirement as to residence within that State or Union territory prior to such employment or appointment.

Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for reservation in matters of promotion to any class or classes of posts in the services under the State in favour of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes which, in the opinion of the State, are not adequately represented in the services under the State. Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from considering any unfilled vacancies of a year which are reserved for being filled up in that year in accordance with any provision for reservation made under clause (4) or clause (4A) as a separate class of vacancies to be filled up in any succeeding year or years and such class of vacancies shall not be considered together with the vacancies of the year in which they are being filled up for determining the ceiling of fifty per cent. reservation on total number of vacancies of that year.

Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any law which provides that the incumbent of an office in connection with the affairs of any religious or denominational institution or any member of the governing body thereof shall be a person professing a particular religion or belonging to a particular denomination.

(3.) THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM

The right to freedom is one of the most important fundamental right that have been granted to us by the founders of Indian Constitution. This right allow every citizen of India to be free from the ancient form of slavery. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:

All citizens shall have the right-

• To freedom of speech and expression;

• To assemble peaceably and without arms;

• To form associations or unions;

• To move freely throughout the territory of India;

• To reside and settle in any part of the territory of India;

• to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.

Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India,] the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.

Nothing in sub-clause (b) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India or] public order, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause.

Nothing in sub-clause (c) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of _16[the sovereignty and integrity of India or] public order or morality, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause.

Nothing in _17[sub-clauses (d) and (e)] of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub-clauses either in the interests of the general public or for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe.

Nothing in sub-clause (g) of the said clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State from making any law imposing, in the interests of the general public, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause, and, in particular, _18[nothing in the said sub-clause shall affect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State from making any law relating to,- the professional or technical qualifications necessary for practising any profession or carrying on any occupation, trade or business, or the carrying on by the State, or by a corporation owned or controlled by the State, of any trade, business, industry or service, whether to the exclusion, complete or partial, of citizens or otherwise.

(4.) THE CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL RIGHTS

The Cultural and Educational Rights is one of the six fundamental right that have been granted to us in the Indian Constitution. This right allow every citizen of India to have a cultural and education upto where that person wants. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:

Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part there of having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to conserve the same.

No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them.

All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.

In making any law providing for the compulsory acquisition of any property of any educational institution established and administered by a minority, referred to in clause (1), the State shall ensure that the amount fixed by or determined under such law for the acquisition of such property is such as would not restrict or abrogate the right guaranteed under that clause.

The State shall not, in granting aid to educational institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on religion or language.

(5.) THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF RELIGION

The right to freedom of religion allows Indian citizens to choose any religion that he/she wants to choose. This fundamental right was chossen after lot of thought regarding the process of person chossing his / her own religion. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:

The right to freedom of religion is a fundamental right guaranteed under Article 25 of the Constitution of India. Article 25 reads as follows:-

Article 25. (1). Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion.

Article 25. (2). Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law: -

(a) Regulating or restricting any economic financial political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice;

(b) Providing for social welfare and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus.

This Article guarantees that every person in India shall have the freedom of conscience and shall have the right to profess, practise and propagate religion, subject to the restrictions that may be imposed by the State on the following grounds, namely:-

(1) Public order, morality and health;

(2) Other provisions of the Constitution;

(3) Regulation of non-religious activity associated with religious practise;

(4) Social welfare and reform;

(5) Throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes of Hindus.

(6.) THE RIGHT AGAINST EXPLOITATION

The right against exploitation allows Indian citizens to stand up against any kind of exploitation that he/ she might be going through. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as: Article 23. Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour.-

(1) Traffic in human beings and begar and other similar forms of forced labour are prohibited and any contravention of this provision shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law.

(2) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from imposing compulsory service for public purposes, and in imposing such service the State shall not make any discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste or class or any of them.

Article 24. Prohibition of employment of children in factories, etc.- No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment.

THE RIGHT TO CONSTITUTIONAL REMEDIES

The right to constitutional remedies allows Indian citizens to stand up up for their rights against anybody even the government of India. This fundamental right is described in the constitution as:

Article 32. Remedies for enforcement of rights conferred by this Part.-

(1) The right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part is guaranteed.

(2) The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders or writs, including writs in the nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari, whichever may be appropriate, for the enforcement of any of the rights conferred by this Part.

(3) Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by clauses (1) and (2), Parliament may by law empower any other court to exercise within the local limits of its jurisdiction all or any of the powers exercisable by the Supreme Court under clause (2).

(4) The right guaranteed by this article shall not be suspended except as otherwise provided for by this Constitution.

Article 33. Power of Parliament to modify the rights conferred by this Part in their application to Forces, etc.- Parliament may, by law, determine to what extent any of the rights conferred by this Part shall, in their application to:-

(a) The members of the Armed Forces; or

(b) The members of the Forces charged with the maintenance of public order; or

(c) Persons employed in any bureau or other organisation established by the State for purposes of intelligence or counter intelligence; or

(d) Persons employed in, or in connection with, the telecommunication systems set up for the purposes of any Force, bureau or organisation referred to in clauses (a) to (c), be restricted or abrogated so as to ensure the proper discharge of their duties and the maintenance of discipline among them.

Article 34. Restriction on rights conferred by this Part while martial law is in force in any area.- Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this Part, Parliament may by law indemnify any person in the service of the Union or of a State or any other person in respect of any act done by him in connection with the maintenance or restoration of order in any area within the territory of India where martial law was in force or validate any sentence passed, punishment inflicted, forfeiture ordered or other act done under martial law in such area.

Article 35. Legislation to give effect to the provisions of this Part.- Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution,-

(a) Parliament shall have, and the Legislature of a State shall not have, power to make laws-

(i) with respect to any of the matters which under clause (3) of article 16, clause (3) of article 32, article 33 and article 34 may be provided for by law made by Parliament; and

(ii) for prescribing punishment for those acts which are declared to be offences under this Part; and Parliament shall, as soon as may be after the commencement of this Constitution, make laws for prescribing punishment for the acts referred to in sub-clause (ii)

(b) any law in force immediately before the commencement of this Constitution in the territory of India with respect to any of the matters referred to in sub-clause (i) of clause (a) or providing for punishment for any act referred to in sub-clause (ii) of that clause shall, subject to the terms thereof and to any adaptations and modifications that may be made therein under article 372, continue in force until altered or repealed or amended by Parliament.

FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES

These Fundamental rights have been provided at the cost of some fundamental duties. These are considered as the duties that must be and should be performed by every citizen of India. These fundamental duties are defined as: It shall be the duty of every citizens of India: -

1. To abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, the National Flag and the National Anthem;

2. To cherish and follow the noble ideals which inspired our national struggle for freedom;

3. To uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India;

4. To defend the country and render national service when called upon to do so;

5. To promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women;

6. To value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture;

7. To protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures;

8. To develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform;

9. To safeguard public property and to abjure violence;

10. To strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activity so that the nation constantly rises to higher levels of endeavor and achievement.

Er. Sushma Garg, NOIDA

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भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या एवं हिन्दू प्रतिरोध का इतिहास

11.03.2018

पुस्तक परिचय

भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या एवं हिन्दू प्रतिरोध का इतिहास

लेखक: डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

प्रकाशक लिटरेरी सर्किल, जयपुर

पृष्ठ: 442, मूल्य: 995 रुपए

प्रकाशन वर्ष: 2018

इतिहास हमें भूतकाल की गलतियों को सुधारकर भविष्य को सुंदर बनाने की प्रेरणा देता है। इस पुस्तक में भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या पर इतिहास की दृष्टि से विचार किया गया है। भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या लगभग 1300 वर्ष पुरानी है और यह भारत में उत्पन्न धर्मों एवं भारत भूमि पर बाहर से आए धर्मों के बीच शक्ति संतुलन को लेकर होने वाले संघर्ष के कारण है।

पुस्तक में ऐतिहासिक सामग्री को अत्यंत शोध एवं श्रम के साथ लिखा गया है। पुस्तक लिखने का उद्देश्य भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या की जड़ को पहचानकर उसके उपचार के रास्तों को ढूंढने का प्रयास है। ताकि इस देश की प्रजा परस्पर वैमनस्य को त्यागकर शांति, प्रेम एवं विश्वास के साथ रहने का उपाय ढूंढ सके।

इस पुस्तक में 35 अध्याय हैं ।

पुस्तक की प्रस्तावना

हिन्दू धर्म, भारतवर्ष की भूमि पर आकार लेने वाला प्रथम धर्म है। जब हम भारतवर्ष की बात करते हैं तो उसका आशय आज के 'यूनियन ऑफ इण्डिया जो कि भारत' से नहीं अपितु हिन्दुकुश पर्वत से लेकर आज के अफगानिस्तान, पाकिस्तान, भारत, बांगला देश, बर्मा, थाईलैण्ड, श्रीलंका, मलेशिया, वियतनाम, कम्बोडिया आदि देशों एवं जावा, सुमात्रा तथा बाली आदि इण्डोनेशियाई द्वीपों से है। भारत वर्ष की धरती पर प्रकट हुआ यह धर्म वैदिक धर्म के रूप में प्रकट हुआ जिसमें से अनेकानेक शाखाएं विकसित हुईं जो सम्मिलित रूप से सनातन धर्म के नाम से जानी गईं। इस धर्म की मुख्य शाखा भागवत धर्म तथा ब्राह्मण धर्म के नाम से विख्यात हुई। यही सनातन धर्म अथवा ब्राह्माण धर्म, भारत भूमि के साथ सिमटता हुआ अब 'यूनियन ऑफ इण्डिया जो कि भारत' में हिन्दू धर्म कहलाता है।

हिन्दू धर्म का मूल स्वरूप इतना उदार, व्यापक, सहिष्णु, परोपकारी एवं समावेशी भाव लिए हुए है कि इसका कोई आकार-प्रकार निश्चित नहीं है। तेतीस करोड़ देवी देवताओं वाले इस धर्म में, किसी भी हिन्दू धर्मावलम्बी पर यह दबाव नहीं डाला जाता कि वह किसी निश्चित देवता की पूजा करे या किसी निश्चित प्रकार की पूजा पद्धति काम में ले। या कि वह किसी निश्चित धार्मिक पुस्तक को पढ़े या किसी निश्चित प्रकार से विवाह करे या वह किसी निश्चित प्रकार से शव की अंत्येष्टि करे। हिन्दू धर्म के अंतर्गत समाहित भिन्न-भिन्न पूजा पद्धतियों को मानने वाले लोग, सामूहिक रूप से विभिन्न धार्मिक आयोजनों में भाग लेते हैं। कुछ हिन्दू, शव का दहन करते हैं तो कुछ मिट्टी में गाढ़ते हैं तो कुछ हिन्दू, शव को जल में बहा देते हैं। कुछ हिन्दू मतावलम्बी देवी-देवताओं की मूर्तियों की पूजा करते हैं, कुछ नहीं करते हैं। कुछ हिन्दू, वेद और ईश्वर को मानते हैं और कुछ हिन्दू, वेद या ईश्वर को नहीं मानते हैं, फिर भी वे सब हिन्दू धर्म के भीतर बने हुए हैं।

वैदिक देवी-देवताओं से लेकर पौराणिक देवी-देवताओं को मानने वाले तथा लोक देवियों एवं लोक देवताओं को मानने वाले, सभी लोग समान रूप से हिन्दू कहलाते हैं। विभिन्न क्षेत्रों के हिन्दुओं के खान-पान, वेषभूषा, वैवाहिक पद्धतियां, रीति-रिवाज एवं परम्पराएं अलग हैं। उत्तर भारत के हिन्दू, मामा की लड़की तथा मामा के गौत्र की लड़की से विवाह करने को पाप मानते हैं तो दक्षिण भारत में मामा की लड़की से विवाह करना अत्यंत साधारण बात है।

हिन्दू धर्म की इतनी विविधताओं के कारण ही हिन्दू धर्म के सम्बन्ध में कहा जाता है कि यह धर्म नहीं, जीवन शैली है। युगों-युगों से चले आने के कारण इसे सनातन धर्म भी कहते हैं। बौद्ध, जैन, सिक्ख आदि कई पंथ इसी धर्म से निकले और पृथक् धर्म के रूप में पहचान बनाने में सफल रहे। आगे चलकर कबीर पंथियों, दादू पंथियों, ब्रह्म समाजियों एवं आर्य समाजियों आदि ने भी अपने आप को सनातन हिन्दू धर्म से अलग दिखाने की चेष्टा की जो आज तक जारी है। वर्तमान समय में नारायण स्वामी एवं ब्रह्मकुमारी जैसे नवोद्भव सम्प्रदाय भी हिन्दू धर्म से विलग दिखने का प्रयास कर रहे हैं।

इस्लाम तथा ईसाई मत भारत में बाहर से आए। इस्लाम ने आक्रांताओं के धर्म के रूप में भारत में प्रवेश किया। आक्रांता तो शक, कुषाण, हूण, बैक्ट्रियन तथा यूनानी भी थे किंतु उन्होंने इस देश में अपना धर्म थोपने के स्थान पर भारत के स्थानीय धर्मों को अपना लिया। उनमें से कुछ शैव, वैष्णव अथवा बौद्ध हो गए तो कुछ जैन। जबकि इस्लाम को मानने वाले आक्रांताओं ने ऐसा नहीं किया। वे न केवल स्वयं के लिए इस्लाम को एकमात्र विकल्प के रूप में देखते थे अपितु उन्होंने भारत की जनता में भी इस्लाम के प्रसार का प्रयास किया।

ईसाई धर्म यद्यपि पंद्रहवीं शताब्दी में भारत में प्रवेश कर गया था किंतु ईसाइयों ने सामान्यतः तलवार के जोर पर अपने धर्म का प्रसार नहीं किया। वे एक हाथ में धर्म का तथा दूसरे हाथ में व्यापार का झण्डा रखते थे, धर्म का झण्डा उन्होंने भी पकड़ने का प्रयास किया किंतु इस पर अधिक जोर नहीं दिया। जब अठारहवीं शताब्दी में उन्होंने भारत में राजनीतिक शक्ति प्राप्त की तब भी वे ईसाई धर्म के प्रसार के बारे में कम ही उत्सुक थे। उनका पूरा जोर भारत से धन बटोरने और अपने राज्य को मजबूत करने में लगा रहा किंतु जब बीसवीं सदी में भारत में स्वाधीनता संग्राम अपने चरम पर पहुंचने लगा, तब अँग्रेजों ने हिन्दुओं एवं मुसलमानों के बीच की साम्प्रदायिक समस्या को देश पर राज्य करने के मजबूत हथियार के रूप में काम में लिया जिससे यह समस्या मध्यकाल की ही तरह विकराल स्वरूप को प्राप्त हो गई।

अंग्रेजों द्वारा, साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या को इतनी हवा दी गई कि यह समस्या हमारे राष्ट्रीय आन्दोलन के मार्ग में सबसे बड़ी बाधा बन कर खड़ी हो गई। इस कारण देश की प्रजा को स्वाधीनता प्राप्त करने में अधिक पसीना बहाना पड़ा तथा स्वातंत्र्य-रथ मंद गति से आगे बढ़ा। ऐसा कई बार हुआ जब निकट आती हुई स्वतंत्रता, साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या के कारण दूर खिसक गई। इस समस्या के कारण देश का विभाजन हुआ और देश के तीन टुकड़े हुए। करोड़ों लोगों को अपने घर छोड़ने पड़े। लाखों स्त्रियों के साथ बलात्कार हुए तथा लाखों स्त्री-पुरुष एवं बच्चे मौत के घाट उतार दिए गए, तब कहीं जाकर भारत को आजादी मिली किंतु साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या का अंत देश की आजादी के बाद भी नहीं हो सका।

आज भी देश की निरीह जनता साम्प्रदायिक हिंसक घटनाओं में बेरहमी से मारी जाती है। यह मानव मात्र की मानसिक समस्या है जो सम्पूर्ण विश्व में व्याप्त है। जब तक साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या के मूल कारणों को पहचानकर उनका वास्तविक समाधान नहीं ढूंढा जाएगा, तब तक न तो इस समस्या का उन्मूलन हो सकेगा और न मानव सुखी हो सकेगा।

प्रस्तुत पुस्तक में भारत में साम्प्रदायिकता की समस्या के जन्म एवं विकास तथा हिन्दू प्रतिरोध का संक्षिप्त इतिहास लिखा गया है। आशा है इस पुस्तक को लिखने में लगा मेरा श्रम विद्यार्थियों, शोधार्थियों एवं रुचिवान पाठकों के लिए उपयोगी सिद्ध होगा।

इस पुस्तक में 35 अध्याय हैं ।

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बारहमासी कविताएँ

14.03.2018

बारहमासी कविताएँ

जनवरी

रेशमी धूप के गद्दों पर बैठकर

ठिठुरती बूढ़ी नानी,

रात मचलते ही महक उठती

शोख, मनचली रात की रानी।

फरवरी

इस तरह चली हवायें

प्यार में झूमकर

कि सेमल हो गया लाल

मारे शर्म के।

मार्च

सुरमई शाम

मचलने लगे आम

आई होली!

गोरी के अंग-अंग

बावरी कोयल ने

कच्ची अमिया घोली।

अप्रेल

अरे! जरा सा

ठहर रे अप्रेल!!

गरमी देने लगी

मेरी छोटी सी खपरैल।

मई

उठने लगी

लपटें धरती से

अब खुलती है आंख नहीं,

भीगा तौलिया सिर पर लिये

कौन रूपसी झांक रही !

जून

धूप, धूप, धूप!

अरे बाबा धूप।

उड़ा फ्यूज दिमाग का

बिगड़ा पंखे का रूप।

जुलाई

मिट्टी पर पड़ गईं सलवटें!

दो बूंद पानी की

आज पड़ें या कल पड़ें।

अगस्त

लड़कियों का हॉस्टल

भरने लगा है फिर से

ज्यों वीर बहूटियां घूमने

निकल पड़ी हों घर से।

सितम्बर

सितम्बर!

हरी धरती

नीला अम्बर।

अक्टूबर

तन दीप,

मन लौ।

री दीपावली

शीघ्र आ

तेरे उजालों में

बोने हैं मुझे

आशा जौ।

नवम्बर

बांधकर धूप

कागज की पुड़िया में

फैंक दी झील में

शाम की बुढ़िया ने।

दिसम्बर

सुनहरी लहरें

घड़ी भर न ठहरें,

कल नवम्बर

आज दिसम्बर

कौन सुने किसकी

बीती घड़ियां

बीतीं पहरें।

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मन (हिन्दी कविता)

22.03.2018

मन

मन वन उपवन,

मन वृंदावन

मन ही चंदन,

मन गोरोचन।

मन में पीपल,

मन में तुलसी

मन में बैठी

माता हुलसी।

मन में नाचे मोर पपीहा

मन में बहती गंगा मैया।

मन में खेले कृष्ण कन्हैया

नाचें गोपी, ताता थैया।

मन में बैठी एक कपोती

पल में हंसती, पल में रोती।

तिनके लाती दाने चुगती

और न जाने क्या क्या करती।

मन में हंसतीं आशा-तृष्णा

मन में हंसती श्यामा कृष्णा।

मन में उड़ते चार कबूतर

काले, धोले नीले धूसर।

मन में बैठा दास कबीरा

तुलसी गाता, गाता सूरा।

चंदन घिसता, दोहे रचता

मन ना जाने क्या-क्या करता।

मन में फैले सात समंदर

मछली मोती गोपी चंदर।

मन में क्षिप्रा, मन में काशी

मुक्ति देता घट-घट वासी।

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स्वाधीनता आंदोलन में राष्ट्रीय काव्यधारा का ऐतिहासिक परिप्रेक्ष्य

15.03.2018

किसी भी राष्ट्र के तीन शरीर आवश्यक रूप से होते हैं- भौगोलिक शरीर, राजनीतिक शरीर एवं सांस्कृतिक शरीर। ये तीनों ही शरीर एक दूसरे में समाए हुए, एक दूसरे के पूरक और एक दूसरे के अन्योन्याश्रित हैं। इनमें से एक के क्षीण, नष्ट अथवा पुष्ट होने पर दूसरा एवं तीसरा शरीर स्वतः क्षीण, नष्ट अथवा पुष्ट हो जाता है। हमारे आलेख का विषय राष्ट्र के सांस्कृतिक शरीर से सम्बन्धित है जो राष्ट्र के भौगोलिक शरीर की रक्षा करके उसे प्रबल राजनीतिक देह प्रदान करन की कामना रखता है।

यजुर्वेद की एक ऋचा में ‘राष्ट्र मे देहि’ और अथर्वेद की एक ऋचा में ‘त्वा राष्ट्र भृत्याय’ जैसे शब्द प्रयुक्त हुए हैं जो राष्ट्र के मूल आधार अर्थात् ‘समाज’ के अर्थ में प्रयुक्त हुए हैं। समाज ही सभ्यता का विकास करता है, समाज ही संस्कृति को रचता है और समाज ही राष्ट्र का निर्माण करता है। समाज, सभ्यता एवं संस्कृति को सुरक्षित रखने की भावना ही राष्ट्रीय चेतना के रूप में प्रतिफलित होती है। समाज अपनी भूमि से जुड़ा हुआ रहता है। यही कारण है कि राष्ट्र एक गांव एवं एक राजा द्वारा शासित क्षेत्र के संकुचित अर्थ से लेकर भारत जैसे विराट देश के लिए प्रयुक्त होता है।

अथर्ववेद का सूक्तकार ‘माता भूमिः पुत्रो ऽहं पृथिव्याः’ कहकर राष्ट्रवाद का सूत्रपात करता है। अथर्ववेद के पृथ्वी-सूक्त का प्रत्येक मंत्र राष्ट्र-भक्ति का पाठ पढ़ाता है। आधुनिक युग में भारत माता की कल्पना इसी पृथ्वी-सूक्त से आई है। वाल्मीकि रामायण भी ‘स्वर्णमयी लङ्का न मे लक्ष्मण रोचते, जननी जन्मभूमिश्च स्वर्गादपि गरीयसी’ कहकर राष्ट्रवाद की भावना को आगे बढ़ाती है। रामचरित मानस में यह भावना इन शब्दों में व्यक्त हुई है-

सुनु कपीस अंगद लंकेसा, पावन पुरी रुचिर यह देसा।

जद्यपि सब बैकुंठ बखाना, बेद पुरान बिदित जगु जाना।

अवधपुरी सम प्रिय नहिं सोऊ, यह प्रसंग जानइ कोउ कोऊ।

जन्मभूमि मम पुरी सुहावनि, उत्तर दिसि बह सरजू पावनि।

मानव समाज जब किन्हीं अन्य भूमियों पर विकसित राजनीतिक शक्तियों के अधीन हो जाता है तो वह अपनी जन्मभूमि से अपने सम्बन्ध का स्मरण करता है। इसी बिंदु पर राष्ट्रवाद की कविता जन्म लेती है। भारत के इतिहास में स्वाधीनता आंदोलन तब-तब होता हुआ दिखाई देता है, जब-जब विदेशी शक्तियां भारत में अपनी सत्ता की स्थापना करती हैं। यह घटना ई.पू.322 में सिकंदर के आक्रमण से लेकर ई.1947 में भारत के अंतिम स्वाधीनता संग्राम तक बार-बार घटी है।

संसार की प्रत्येक भाषा के काव्य में, हर युग में राष्ट्रीय भावना का समावेश होता है। किसी भी देश के राष्ट्रीय काव्य में समग्र राष्ट्र की चेतना प्रस्फुटित होती है। राष्ट्रीय-भावना, राष्ट्र की प्रगति का मंत्र है। राष्ट्रीय भावना का सृजनात्मक पक्ष मानवता वादी होता है। वह न केवल अपने देश को स्वतंत्र देखना चाहता है अपितु समस्त मानवता को स्वाधीन एवं सुखी देखने की कामना रखता है।

भारत के स्वाधीनता संग्राम का आशय उन्नीसवीं एवं बीसवीं शताब्दी ईस्वी में ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी तथा ब्रिटिश क्राउन के विरुद्ध भारतीय जनता द्वारा किए गए राजनीतिक संघर्ष से है।

भारतेन्दु बाबू हरिश्चन्द्र हिन्दी भाषा के पहले कवि माने जाते हैं जो समाज को जागृत करने के लिए अपनी लेखनी उठाते हैं। उनका रचना काल ई.1867 से 1885 रहा। इस काल में 1857 की असफल सशस्त्र-क्रांति की व्यथा, भारतीयों के मन पर काली परछाई की तरह व्याप्त थी। इस काल में भारत अपनी दुरावस्था एवं वास्तविकता को पहचानने का प्रयास कर रहा था। इसी कारण भारतेंदु बाबू के नाटक भारत दुर्दशा का आरम्भ ही इन पंक्तियों से होता है-

रोअहू सब मिलिकै आवहु भारत भाई। हा हा! भारतदुर्दशा न देखी जाई ।।

अँगरेराज सुख साज सजे सब भारी। पै धन बिदेश चलि जात इहै अति ख़्वारी ।।

इसी नाटक में भारत विलाप करता हुआ कहता है-

कोऊ नहिं पकरत मेरो हाथ। बीस कोटि सुत होत फिरत मैं हा हा होय अनाथ ।।

बदरी नारायण चौधरी ‘प्रेमघन’ ने भारतेंदुजी से प्रभावित होकर काव्य एवं नाटकों की रचना की। उन्होंने ई.1888 में कांग्रेस के महाधिवेशन के अवसर पर खेले जाने के लिए ‘भारत सौभाग्य’ नाटक लिखा। प्रेमघन को भारतेंदु मण्डल का उज्जवलतम नक्षत्र कहा जाता है।

भारतेंदु बाबू के फुफेरे भाई राधाकृष्ण दास ने भारतेंदु से प्रेरित होकर ई.1880 में पंद्रह वर्ष की अवस्था में ही ‘दुःखिनी बाला’ नामक छोटा रूपक लिखा। इसके एक ही वर्ष बाद ‘निस्सहाय हिंदू’ नामक सामाजिक उपन्यास लिखा। इसी के अनंतर ‘स्वर्णजता’ आदि पुस्तकों का बँगला से हिंदी में अनुवाद किया। इसी काल में ‘आर्यचरितामृत’ शीर्षक से बाप्पा रावल की जीवनी तथा ‘महारानी पद्मावती’ रूपक भी लिखा। उन्होंने नागरीदास का जीवन चरित, राजस्थान केसरी वा महाराणा प्रताप सिंह नाटक, भारतेंदु जी की जीवनी, रहिमन विलास आदि राष्ट्रीय विचारधारा के साहित्य की रचना की। उन्होंने भारतेंदुजी के अधूरे हिन्दी नाटक ‘सती प्रताप’ को भी पूर्ण किया।

भारतेंदु बाबू तथा उनके समकालीन कवियों के लगभग 20 वर्ष के रचनाकाल का यह प्रभाव हुआ कि अंग्रेज शक्ति, भारतीयों की पीड़ा और असंतोष को दबाने के लिए भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस जैसी ब्रिटिश मुखापेक्षी संस्था का ‘प्रसव’ करने पर विवश हुई जो भारतीयों के मन में अंग्रेजों के प्रति विश्वसनीयता का निर्माण कर सके एवं भारतीयों को अपनी समस्याओं के समाधान के लिए गौरांग शक्ति के समक्ष अनुनय-विनय का मंच प्रदान कर सके।

भारतेंदु बाबू के अवसान के लगभग 27 वर्ष बाद, ई.1912-13 में मैथिली शरण गुप्त की भारत-भारती प्रकाशित हुई जिसने राष्ट्रीयता की सुप्त भावना को पुनजीर्वित करने में बड़ा योगदान दिया। इस ग्रंथ की रचना उस समय हुई जब भारत में बंग-भंग के विरोध में देशव्यापी आंदोलन हो रहे थे और भारतीयों को संतुष्ट करने के लिए देश में मार्ले-मिण्टो सुधार एक्ट लाया जा रहा था। गुप्तजी की भारत-भारती वस्तुतः भारत दर्शन की काव्यात्मक प्रस्तुति थी। इस रचना में गुप्तजी ने देश के अतीत का अत्यंत गौरव और श्रद्धा के साथ गुणगान करते हुए देश की वर्तमान दुर्दशा पर क्षोभ प्रकट किया-

भूलोक का गौरव, प्रकृति का पुण्य लीला-स्थल कहाँ?

फैला मनोहर गिरि हिमालय और गंगाजल कहाँ?

संपूर्ण देशों से अधिक किस देश का उत्कर्ष है?

उसका कि जो ऋषि भूमि है, वह कौन, भारतवर्ष है।

इस रचना के माध्यम से गुप्तजी ने न केवल स्वदेश प्रेम की आवश्यकता को प्रतिपादित किया अपितु देश को दुर्दशा से उबरने हेतु समाधान खोजने का सफल प्रयोग भी किया-

भूलो न ऋषि-सन्तान हो, अब भी तुम्हें यदि ध्यान हो।

तो विश्व को फिर भी तुम्हारी, शक्ति का कुछ ज्ञान हो।

बनकर अहो फिर कर्म्मयोगी, वीर बड़भागी बनो।

परमार्थ के पीछे जगत में, स्वार्थ के त्यागी बनो।

आगे चलकर गांधीजी ने गुप्तजी को राष्ट्रकवि बताते हुए कहा- ‘मैं मैथिलीशरण जी को इसलिये बड़ा मानता हूँ कि वे हम लोगों के कवि हैं और राष्ट्रभर की आवश्यकता को समझकर लिख रहे हैं।’ यह आश्चर्य ही था कि गांधीजी ने गुप्तजी के लिए ऐसा कहा। मेरे विचार से, स्वराज्य के लिए गांधीजी द्वारा किए गए आंदोलनों की लुंज-पुंज और अनिश्चित शब्दावली के विपरीत गुप्तजी के स्वर ओजस्वी हुंकार से युक्त थे जो गांधीजी के सांचे में फिट नहीं बैठते थे। गुप्तजी ने लिखा है-

धरती हिलाकर नींद भगा दे

वज्रनाद से व्योम जगा दे

दैव, और कुछ लाग लगा दे।

हिन्दी साहित्य के युग में इसे विस्मयकारी घटना ही माना जाना चाहिए कि भारत-भारती के युग में हिन्दी कविता में छायावाद ने जन्म लिया जिसने ई.1918 से 1936 तक ‘प्रेम’ जैसी सर्वव्यापक किंतु नितांत व्यक्तिगत अनुभूति को कविता में पिरोकर रहस्य के आवरण से ढक दिया। स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन की दृष्टि से यह काल अत्यंत महत्व का है। इस काल के आरम्भ में ई.1919 में रोलट एक्ट आता है और पूरा देश एक बार फिर से आंदोलनों की चपेट में आ जाता है। इसी काल में अंग्रेजों द्वारा असहयोग आंदोलन कुचला जाता है। चौराचौरी काण्ड होता है। खिलाफत आंदोलन होता है। साइमन कमीशन आता है। लाला लाजपतराय सड़कों पर आंदोलन करते हुए शहीद होते हैं। भगतसिंह, सुखदेव राजगुरु को फांसी होती है। गांधी-इरविन समझौता होता है। गांधी एवं अम्बेडकर के बीच पूना पैक्ट होता है। इस काल का अवसान भारत सरकार अधिनियम 1935 के साथ होता है।

स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन की धारा इसी काल में सर्वाधिक तीव्र होती हुई दिखाई देती है। अतः प्रेम की कविता करने वाले छायावादी कवि इन घटनाओं से नितांत असंपृक्त नहीं रह सकते थे। उनके द्वारा रचे गए छायावादी काव्य में राष्ट्रीय आन्दोलनों की स्थूल अभिव्यक्ति को तो स्थान नहीं मिला किन्तु उनकी कविता में राष्ट्रीय-सांस्कृतिक चेतना के बीज प्रच्छन्न रूप से उपलब्ध हैं।

छायावाद में राष्ट्रीयता का स्वर प्रतीकात्मक रूप में तथा शक्ति और जागरण गीतों के रूप में मिलता है किंतु राष्ट्रप्रेम का प्रतीकात्मक रूप, अभावों एवं शोषण से संत्रस्त एवं संघर्षरत श्रमजीवी भारत को अधिक समय के लिए ग्राह्य नहीं था। यही कारण था कि छायावादी काव्य धारा के समानांतर और उतनी ही शक्तिशाली राष्ट्रीय चेतना की काव्यधारा भी प्रबल वेग से प्रवाहमान हो पड़ी जिसके बीज भारतेंदु बाबू ने बोए थे और मैथिलिशरण गुप्त ने जिसे सींच कर प्रस्फुटित किया था। इस धारा के कवियों ने राष्ट्रीय और सांस्कृतिक संघर्ष को स्पष्ट और उग्र स्वर में व्यक्त किया।

राष्ट्रवादी कवियों ने छायावाद के रेशमी आवरण को भेदकर अपने पूर्ववर्ती राष्ट्रवादी कवि मैथिलिशरण गुप्त और पश्चवर्ती राष्ट्रवादी कवि रामधारीसिंह दिनकर के साथ अपना स्वर मिलाए रखा। इन कवियों ने सांस्कृतिक राष्ट्रवाद, जन-जागरण तथा अभियान गीतों से राष्ट्र की आत्मा को नवीन चेतना प्रदान की। स्वयं मैथिलिशरण गुप्त इस पूरे काल में सक्रिय रहे।

अच्युतानंद मिश्र ने लिखा है- ‘मैथिलीशरण गुप्त, माखनलाल चतुर्वेदी, बालकृष्ण शर्मा ‘नवीन’, रामधारी सिंह दिनकर, रामवृक्ष बेनीपुरी या सोहनलाल द्विवेदी राष्ट्रीय नवजागरण के उत्प्रेरक ऐसे कवियों के नाम हैं, जिन्होंने अपने संकल्प और चिन्तन, त्याग और बलिदान के सहारे राष्ट्रीयता की अलख जगाकर, अपने पूरे युग को आन्दोलित किया था, गाँधीजी के पीछे देश की तरूणाई को खड़ा कर दिया था। सोहनलालजी उस शृंखला की महत्वपूर्ण कड़ी थे।’

ई.1918 से 1936 के छायावादी युग में राष्ट्रवादी कविता का जोर पकड़ जाना, भारतीय साहित्याकाश की एक स्वाभाविक घटना थी। असहयोग आंदोलन, साइमन कमीशन, लाला लाजपत राय का बलिदान, भगतसिंह, सुखदेव एवं राजगुरु का आत्मोत्सर्ग, सविनय अवज्ञा आंदोलन, लंदन में आयोजित तीन गोलमेज सम्मेलन एवं भारत सरकार अधिनियम 1935 जैसी बड़ी घटनाओं में भारतीय तत्व तभी समाविष्ट हो सकता था जब भारत के कवि, जनसामान्य को उनकी निर्धन झौंपड़ियों से खींचकर सड़कों पर ले आएं और जिनकी सामूहिक शक्ति से अंग्रेज शक्ति का दुर्भेद्य-दुर्ग भरभरा कर गिर जाए। सौभाग्य से भारत के राष्ट्रवादी कवि इस कार्य में सफल रहे।

राष्ट्रीय स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन के इस कठिन काल में माखनलाल चतुर्वेदी राष्ट्रीय काव्यधारा के बड़े कवि के रूप में सामने आते हैं। उनकी हिमकिरीटनी, हिमतरंगिनी, माता, युगचरण, समर्पण आदि काव्यकृतियां राष्ट्रीय भावछाया से आप्लावित हैं। चतुर्वेदीजी ने भारत को पूर्ण स्वतन्त्र कर जनतन्त्रात्मक पद्धति की स्थापना का आह्वान किया। उनकी कविता ‘कैदी और कोकिला’ में जेल की हथकड़ी, आभूषण बनकर भारत की जनता को संघर्ष करने की प्रेरणा देती है-

‘क्या? देख न सकती जंजीरो का गहना

हथकड़ियां क्यों? यह ब्रिटिश राज का गहना’ ‘

पुष्प की अभिलाषा’ में वे पुष्प के माध्यम से देश को आत्मोत्सर्ग का मार्ग सुझाते हुए कहते हैं-

मुझे तोड़ लेना वनमाली!

उस पथ पर देना तुम फेंक,

मातृभूमि पर शीश चढ़ाने,

जिस पर जावें वीर अनेक।

रामनरेश त्रिपाठी ने ई.1920 में हिन्दी के प्रथम राष्ट्रीय खण्डकाव्य ‘पथिक’ की रचना की। ‘वह देश कौन सा है!’ कविता में वे मैथिलीशरण गुप्त की बात को आगे बढ़ाते हुए लिखते हैं-

सब से प्रथम जगत में, जो सभ्य था यशस्वी।

जगदीश का दुलारा, वह देश कौन-सा है?

पृथ्वी-निवासियों को, जिसने प्रथम जगाया।

शिक्षित किया सुधारा, वह देश कौन-सा है?

जिसमें हुए अलौकिक, तत्वज्ञ ब्रह्मज्ञानी।

गौतम, कपिल, पतंजलि, वह देश कौन-सा है?

छोड़ा स्वराज तृणवत आदेश से पिता के।

वह राम थे जहाँ पर, वह देश कौन-सा है?

रामनरेश त्रिपाठी द्वारा रचित कौमुदी, मानसी, स्वप्न आदि काव्य संग्रहों में देश के उद्धार के लिए आत्मोत्सर्ग की भावना उत्पन्न करने वाली कविताएं हैं। रामनरेश त्रिपाठी ने रामचरित मानस में राष्ट्र जागरण के प्रबल तत्वों के दर्शन किए। वे इस ग्रंथ को घर-घर पहुंचाना चाहते थे। कवि के प्रखर राष्ट्रप्रेम और रामचरित मानस में अगाध श्रद्धा को देखते हुए बेढब बनारसी ने उनके बारे में कहा था-

तुम तोप और मैं लाठी

तुम रामचरित मानस निर्मल, मैं रामनरेश त्रिपाठी।

राष्ट्रीय काव्यधारा को पुष्ट करने वाली कवयित्री सुभद्रा कुमारी चौहान भी इसी कालखण्ड में सामने आती हैं। उनकी ‘त्रिधारा’, ‘मुकुल’ की ‘राखी’ ‘झासी की रानी’ ‘वीरों का कैसा हो बसंत’ आदि कविताओं में राष्ट्रीयता के तीक्ष्ण भावों की भावना मुखरित हुई। उन्होंने असहयोग आन्दोलन में सक्रिय भूमिका निभाई। स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन के दौरान उन्हें कई बार जेल जाना पड़ा। उन्होंने जलियाँवाला बाग के नरसंहार के लगभग 11 वर्ष बाद ‘जलियाँवाला बाग में बसंत’ नामक कविता लिखकर माखनलाल चतुर्वेदी के संदेश को आगे बढ़ाया-

यहाँ कोकिला नहीं, काग हैं, शोर मचाते,

काले काले कीट, भ्रमर का भ्रम उपजाते।

कुछ कलियाँ अधखिली यहाँ इसलिए चढ़ाना,

कर के उनकी याद अश्रु के ओस बहाना।

.... तड़प तड़प कर वृद्ध मरे हैं गोली खा कर,

शुष्क पुष्प कुछ वहाँ गिरा देना तुम जा कर।

यह सब करना, किन्तु यहाँ मत शोर मचाना,

यह है शोक-स्थान बहुत धीरे से आना।

कलियाँ भी अधखिली, मिली हैं कंटक-कुल से,

वे पौधे, व पुष्प शुष्क हैं अथवा झुलसे।

सुभद्रा कुमारी चौहान ने अपनी कविता ‘झाँसी की रानी’ के माध्यम से देश की आत्मा को झकझोर कर रख दिया-

महलों ने दी आग, झोंपड़ी ने ज्वाला सुलगाई थी,

यह स्वतंत्रता की चिन्गारी अंतरतम से आई थी।

झांसी चेती, दिल्ली चेती, लखनऊ लपटें छाई थी,

मेरठ, कानपूर, पटना ने भारी धूम मचाई थी

........ जाओ रानी याद करेंगें ये कृतज्ञ भारतवासी।

तेरा ये बलिदान जगाएगा स्वतंत्रता अविनाशी।

भारत सरकार अधिनियम 1935 के बाद देश का स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन एक नए दौर में प्रवेश कर जाता है। बालकृष्ण शर्मा ‘नवीन’ इसी दौर में सामने आते हैं। उनकी कविताओं में भक्ति-भावना, राष्ट्र-प्रेम तथा विद्रोह का स्वर प्रमुखता से आया है। ई.1936 में उनका पहला काव्य संग्रह ‘कुंकुम’ प्रकाशित हुआ। इसमें राष्ट्रीयता के प्रखर स्वर सुनाई देते हैं-

यहाँ बनी हथकड़ियाँ राखी, साखी है संसार

यहाँ कई बहनों के भैया, बैठे हैं मनमार।’

बालकृष्ण शर्मा स्वयं 10 बार जेल गए। उन्होंने विप्लव गान की रचना करके राष्ट्रीयता के स्वरों को नवीन ऊंचाइयां प्रदान कीं। उन्होंने राष्ट्र का सीधे और स्पष्ट स्वरों में आह्वान किया-

कवि कुछ ऐसी तान सुनाओ, जिससे उथल-पुथल मच जाये

एक हिलोर इधर से आये, एक हिलोर उधर को जाये नाश !

नाश! हाँ महानाश!!! की प्रलयंकारी आंख खुल जाये।

ई.1939 से 1945 तक द्वितीय विश्वयुद्ध हुआ। इंगलैण्ड चाहता था कि भारतीय सैनिक इस युद्ध में अंग्रेजों की तरफ से लड़ें किंतु भारतीय जनमानस, इस युद्ध में सम्मिलित होने के प्रतिफल के रूप में अपने देश के लिए आजादी चाहते थे। भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन, क्रिप्स मिशन और कैबिनेट मिशन इस काल की प्रमुख राजनीतिक घटनाएं हैं। अतः इस काल की राष्ट्रीय कविता इस घटनाक्रम को अपनी आंखों से देख रही थी।

इस काल में रामधारीसिंह ‘दिनकर’ एवं सोहनलाल द्विवेदी जैसे दो बड़े राष्ट्रीय विचारधारा के कवि हिन्दी काव्य जगत में प्रकट होते हैं। रामधारी सिंह ‘दिनकर’ के काव्य ने भारतीय जन-मानस को नवीन चेतना से सराबोर किया। उन्होंने ई.1928 में ‘बारदोली विजय संदेश’ नामक रचना के साथ हिन्दी काव्य जगत में प्रवेश किया। वे सरकारी सेवा में थे। इसलिए जब ई.1935 में ‘रेणुका’ और 1938 में ‘हुंकार’ का प्रकाशन हुआ तो अंग्रेज सरकार उनके प्रति सतर्क हो गई। चार वर्ष में 22 बार उनका तबादला किया गया।

रामधारी सिंह ‘दिनकर’ राष्ट्रधारा के कवियों में सर्वाधिक सबल व्यक्तित्व लेकर उभरे। वे छायावादोत्तर युग के सबसे बड़े राष्ट्रवादी कवि के रूप में जाने गए। उनके तीखे स्वरों को छायावाद आत्मसात नहीं कर सका। हुँकार, रेणुका, विपथगा में कवि ने साम्राज्यवादी ब्रिटिश राज्य के विरुद्ध क्रान्ति के स्वरों का आह्वाहन किया। उनकी कविताओं में पराधीनता के विरुद्ध प्रबल विद्रोह अपनी भीषणता और भंयकरता के साथ गर्जना करता हुआ दिखाई देता है। कुरूक्षेत्र पूर्णरूपेण राष्ट्रीय महाकाव्य है जिसमें हुंकार भरते हुए वे कहते हैं-

‘उठो- उठो कुरीतियों की राह तुम रोक दो

बढ़ो-बढ़ो कि आग में गुलामियों को झोंक दो।‘

वे भारत के युवाओं को राष्ट्रीय स्वातंत्र्य के लिए प्रथम आहुति के रूप में स्वयं को समर्पित करने का संदेश देते हुए कहते हैं-

जिसके द्वारों पर खड़ा क्रान्त, सीमापति! तूने की पुकार

पददलित उसे करना पीछे, पहले ले मेरा सीस उतार।

सोहनलाल द्विवेदी ने भारत की आजादी के गीतों का मुक्तकण्ठ से गायन किया। भैरवी, चेतना, सेवाग्राम आदि काव्य-संग्रहों में उन्होंने महान् राष्ट्रनायकों का गुणगान किया। ई.1941 में उनकी प्रथम रचना भैरवी प्रकाशित हुई जो देश प्रेम से परिपूर्ण थी-

वन्दना के इन स्वरों में, एक स्वर मेरा मिला दो ।

वंदिनी माँ को न भूलो, राग में जब मत झूलो ।

अर्चना के रत्न कणों में, एक कण मेरा मिला लो।।

राणा प्रताप के प्रति, आजादी के फूलों पर जय-जय, तैयार रहो, बढ़े चलो बढ़े चलो, विप्लव गीत, पूजा गीत, मातृपूजा, युग की पुकार, देश के जागरण गान, वासवदत्ता, कुणाल, तथा युगधारा आदि रचनाओं में स्वातन्त्र्य साधना के उच्च स्वर सुनाई देते हैं-

कब तक क्रूर प्रहार सहोगे ?

कब तक अत्याचार सहोगे ?

कब तक हाहाकार सहोगे ?

उठो राष्ट्र के हे अभिमानी

सावधान मेरे सेनानी।’

‘प्रभात-फेरी’ में वे भारत के जन-मन का संकल्प व्यक्त करते हुए कहते हैं-

‘संतान शूरवीरों की हैं, हम दास नहीं कहलायेंगे ।

या तो स्वतंत्र हो जायेंगे, या तो हम मर मिट जायेंगे ।

हम अगर शहीद कहायेंगे, हम बलिवेदी पर जायेंगे,

जननी की जय-जय गायेंगे।।

सरदार पटेल की वंदना करते हुए वे कहते हैं-

‘लौह पुरूष सरदार! करूँ वन्दन तेरा किन शब्दों में ।

राष्ट्र-पुरुष तुमसे मिलते हैं किसी राष्ट्र के अब्दों में ।।

तेरा गर्जन एक, कि निर्बल में नवीन बल आता है ।

तेरा वर्जन एक, कि बैरी बढ़ पीछे मुड़ जाता है।

श्यामनारायण पाण्डेय राष्ट्रीय चेतना के लिए महाराणा प्रताप, महारानी पद्मिनी और रामभक्त हनुमान का वीर चरित देश के समक्ष अद्भुत ओजस्वी स्वरों में ढालकर लाए। उनके लिखे ‘हल्दीघाटी’, ‘जौहर’ एवं जय हनुमान आदि काव्यों में हिन्दू राष्ट्रीयता का जयघोष हुआ है।

कविवर ‘शंकर’ ने शंकर सरोज, शंकर सर्वस्व, गर्भरण्डारहस्य लिखे। उन्होंने बलिदान गान में ‘प्राणों का बलिदान देश की वेदी पर करना होगा’ के द्वारा स्वतन्त्रता प्राप्ति के लिए क्रान्ति एवं आत्मोत्सर्ग की प्रेरणा दी। निराला की ‘वर दे वीणा वादिनी’, ‘भारती जय विजय करे’, ‘जागो फिर एक बार’, ‘शिवाजी का पत्र’, प्रसाद की ‘अरूण यह मधुमय देश हमारा’ चन्द्रगुप्त नाटक में आया गीत ‘हिमाद्रि तुंगशृंग से प्रबुद्ध शुद्ध भारती’ आदि रचनाओं में राष्ट्रीयता की प्रखर अभिव्यक्ति हुई।

स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन से प्रभावित राष्ट्रीय विचार धारा के हिन्दी कवियों की सुदीर्घ शृंखला में राधाचरण गोस्वामी, श्रीधर पाठक, माधव प्रसाद शुक्ल, नाथूराम शर्मा शंकर, गया प्रसाद शुक्ल स्नेही (त्रिशूल), सियाराम शरण गुप्त, जगन्नाथ प्रसाद मिलिन्द, अज्ञेय इत्यादि कवियों के योगदान अविस्मरणीय हैं जिन्होंने भारतीयों की सरल हृदय-भित्ती पर राष्ट्रीयता के ओजपूर्ण स्वरों का अंकन किया। कवि अज्ञेय भी पढ़ाई बीच में छोड़कर कई बार जेल गये।

जोधपुर के एक अल्पज्ञात कवि देवदत्त व्यास ‘करुण’ का उल्लेख करना चाहूंगा। वे अखण्ड भारत के हैरदाबाद सिंध में मात्र 27 वर्ष की आयु में 8 फरवरी 1947 को मृत्यु को प्राप्त हुए। उनकी मृत्यु के लगभग 60 वर्ष बाद उनके दो काव्य संग्रह ‘बीते दिन मत यादा दिलाओ’ तथा ‘अंतस की पीड़ा कौन सुने’ प्रकाश में आए। उनकी रचनाओं में राष्ट्रीयता के उद्दाम स्वर सुनाई पड़ते हैं। ‘शहीद के चरणों पर’ कविता में वे लिखते हैं-

खौल उठे जुल्मों को ढाने, प्यारे तन में खून हमारे।

अपनी भारत माँ के बंधन, खोल सकें, साहस से सारे।

‘विप्लव गान’ में वे लिखते हैं-

जागें प्रताप से नृप महान

हों वीर दुर्ग से कीर्तिमान

स्वाधीन स्नेह हो स्वाभिमान

निज देशहित पर न्यौछावर

निर्भयता का वर दो शंकर।

इस प्रकार हम देखते हैं कि हिन्दी कवियों ने भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम के समय देश में मची उथल-पुथल को अपनी कविता का विषय बनाकर साहित्य के क्षेत्र में दोहरे दायित्व का निर्वहन किया। वे स्वदेश व स्वधर्म की रक्षा के लिए एक ओर तो राष्ट्रीय भावों को काव्य के विषय के रूप में प्रतिष्ठित कर रहे थे, वहीं दूसरी ओर राष्ट्रीय चेतना को उसके चरम पर पहुंचा रहे थे। स्पष्ट है कि वे न केवल तत्कालीन घटनाओं के प्रति सजग थे अपितु भारत के गौरवमयी इतिहास के साथ भी कदम मिलाकर चल रहे थे।

स्वातंत्र्य-लक्ष्य की प्राप्ति के पश्चात् भी राष्ट्रवादी कविता का धारा कुण्ठित नहीं हो गई। वह उसके बाद भी राष्ट्रीय जागरण की अलख जगाती रही। राष्ट्रकवि पं. सोहनलाल द्विवेदी ने भारतीय युवाओं को स्वातंत्र्य-ध्वज सुरक्षित रखने का आह्वान करते हुए लिखा-

शुभारंभ जो किया देश में, नव चेतनता आई है ।

मुरदा प्राणों में फिर से, छायी नवीन तरुणाई है ।

स्वतंत्रता की ध्वजा न झुके, यही ध्रुव ध्यान करो ।

बढ़ो, देश के युवक-युवतियों, आज पुण्य प्रस्थान करो ।।

-डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

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लो हारा सच, फिर जीता झूठ (हिन्दी कविता)

22.03.2018

लो हारा सच, फिर जीता झूठ

सन-सन चलती आंधी काली,

उजड़ी बगिया, हतप्रभ माली।

समय भी निकला गहन कुचाली

हारा सुकण्ठ और जीता बाली।

पुण्यों की सलिला जाती खूंट

लो हारा सच, फिर जीता झूठ।।

कल तक तो था गहरा पानी,

प्रतिज्ञाओं की गहना वाणी।

सप्त सुरंगी सरिता बहती

मन-तरंग की कलकल कहती।

क्यों गई क्यारियां सारी फूट

लो हारा सच, फिर जीता झूठ।।

सत्कर्मों की सूखी वापी,

उथली थोथी, शापित थाती।

शृगालों की सेना आती,

कानन लूट नित रास रचाती।

उनकी तृप्त न होती भूख,

लो हारा सच और जीता झूठ।।

अभिमानी हैं गंजे लंगड़े

खाते-पीते मोटे तगड़े

इंच न हटते महंगे मकड़े।

पल-पल रचते लफड़े झगड़े।

नाचें काले नकटे भूत

लो हारा सच, फिर जीता झूठ।

-डॉ. मोहनलाल गुप्ता

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समय (हिन्दी कविता)

22.03.2018

समय

एक कनेर

जो वर्षों पहले

घर के सामने लगाई थी,

लगातार तुम्हारी प्रसन्नताओं की

आकांक्षिणी रही है।

जब सुबह की धूप का नरम गद्दा

मेरे कदमों में बिछा होता है,

कनेर के एक-एक फूल में

तुम्हारा चेहरा छिपा होता है।

सच कहना

क्या तुमने भी

उस कनेर को देखा है ?

दिन किसी चतुर मछुआरे सा

अपना जाल फैंकता है

और कुलांचें भरते हुए

हरिण से घण्टे

छोटी-छोटी मछलियां बनकर

उसके अंक में समा जाते हैं।

दोस्त! यही है

समय की वास्तविकता

कि मंदिरों में घण्टियां बनकर

झूलता हुआ समय

घाटियों में चिड़ियां बनकर

चहकता हुआ समय

धीरे-धीरे थपकियां देता हुआ

जीवन रूपी नाव को

खेता रहता है और

किसी बुुढ़िया माँ की तरह

झुर्रियों भरा चेहरा लेकर

तेजी से व्यतीत हो जाता है।

पता नहीं यह

कहां जाकर खो जाता है।

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राजपूताना के सक्षम राज्यों का भारत संघ में विलय एवं राजस्थान में एकीकरण

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राजस्थान के प्रमुख संग्रहालय

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